The History and Die Varieties of the Higley Coppers
neologism of the Americas Conference at the American Numismatic Society, New York City
October 29, 1994
Reading: ANS Digital Library: Token
© The American Numismatic Society, 1995
much of the history of the Higley coppers is even based on legend quite than documented sources. No contemporaneous citation to their industry or use is known. The earliest mention I have been able to locate is a drawing in The Library Company of Philadelphia ( libyan islamic fighting group. 1 ). This is the work of Pierre Eugène Du Simitière, probably drawn in the 1770s. 1 This edacious collector had seven Higley coppers, which he referred to as “ deer money. ” even then he could not find all varieties in good enough circumstance to make out the legends .
1. Pierre Eugène Du Simitière Papers, Vol. 3, Item 39b ( courtesy, Library Company of Philadelphia ) .
Numismatists have been trying to fill in the blanks in our cognition about these challenging coppers for over two centuries. even their name can be misleading. They are often known as Granby coppers despite the fact that Granby did not exist until 1786 and the locate of the mines has been in East Granby since Granby was divided in 1858. In the 1730s the mine which is the aim source of the Higley coppers was in Simsbury .
We have no reason to doubt the testify on the coins themselves. They were made in Connecticut between the years of 1737 and 1739. beyond that, what is known about copper from Connecticut ?
It is well documented that copper was discovered in Simsbury, Connecticut in 1705. The Simsbury Town Clerk still has the records of township meetings during this era. At a township meeting in December 1705, it was decided to appoint two men to pursue a report of the discovery of “ either silver medal or bull ” in the town. 2 In May 1707, the town organized what was the beginning copper mining caller in the colonies. These proprietors tried to lease the mines and receive royalties on copper produced but five years of disputes ensued and it appears that while development of the mines did start, no significant output occurred during the period .
In 1712 a fresh 30-year lease was signed with Rev. Timothy Woodbridge, Jr. of Simsbury, William Partridge of Newbury, Massachusetts, and Jonathan Belcher of Boston ( subsequently Governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire and then Governor of New Jersey ) .
soon after the 1712 lease was signed, development of Copper Hill began. Housing for miners was built adenine well as a pigeonhole grind for crushing ore. Belcher traveled to England and returned with 12 miners and a refiner. possibly to have supervision of the refine, he set up the refinery in Boston and had the ore transported to the Connecticut River and then by transport to Boston. purportedly because of insufficient volume, he decided to shut this refinery and merely send the ore directly to Bristol, England, for refine after about 1720 .
By 1717, Belcher had bought out his father-in-law and Rev. Woodbridge had sold his share to Jaheel Brenton of Rhode Island and two New York City City merchants, Charles Crommeline and Elias Boudinot, an ancestor of the Director of the U.S. Mint by that name .
The other lessees operated slightly independently of Belcher and organized a refinery in Simsbury. They hired a refiner from Philadelphia, John Hoofman, and besides brought over skilled workers from Germany .
While there is no indication that great riches always came out of any Simsbury mines, boastfully sums were decidedly spent to develop them. Belcher complained of losses and mentioned that he invested £15,000 over the 30 years he was involved with these mines ( 1712-41 ). This sum corresponds to just over $ 1 million in current dollars. 3 When the 30-year leases expired, mining natural process ceased for decades since cipher thought the attempt would be profitable .
During this period the copper mines in Simsbury were not the only ones in the colonies and probably not the largest. The Schuyler mine in New Jersey ( which shipped its ore to Bristol, England ) had produced 1,400 tons of ore by 1731. 4 This point is important because, while the Simsbury Copper mining experience is a milestone, possibly the most significant partially of this narrative is not about copper but about steel .
This is where Samuel Higley enters the visualize. Higley was born in 1687, the son of a affluent merchant who had moved to Simsbury in 1684. He was well educated and obviously studied medicine with Samuel Mather and Thomas Hooker. 5 In 1714, he received land from his founder ‘s estate of the realm and he built a firm on the place when he married in 1719. In 1728, the General Court granted Higley the single right to make steel in the Colony for a period of 10 years. 6 Higley did not have the first copper mine in the colonies. He did n’t tied have the first copper mine in his town. There is no indication that his steel-making ever became a successful commercial venture, but he may well have been the first skilled enough at the wide-eyed kind of tasks required to make steel, make tools from that steel, and use those tools to make coins .
In 1728, Higley bought 143 acres about 1.5 miles south of Copper Hill. We know that copper was mined on that land. We besides know that Higley was considered enough of an adept that, in 1732, when there was a dispute about the quality of ore coming from Copper Hill, Belcher called Samuel Higley to Boston to resolve the matter. 7 however, Belcher accused Higley of dishonesty, saying he had found the ore to contain 25 % bull when he analyzed it in Simsbury but entirely when 15 % copper when he analyzed the lapp batch of ore for Belcher in Boston. Belcher much complained about his losses from this mining investment, a fact which may have colored this accusation .
It is causeless that person a big as Belcher was associated with copper mining in Simsbury because many of his letters have been saved. possibly the only contemporary character we still have to Higley ‘s mine bodily process is in a letter from Belcher. In 1733, he wrote to his lawyer, who lived in Hartford : 8 I find after all the mines at Simsbury are not worth the working – It had been well for me those works had ceased some years ago, but it avails identical little to look back – I observe Higley is very slow, and dilatory in the occupation – having made out lone one short ton of ore to this day, and there are but three months more before the winter will be upon him, so he may possibly make out in a whole year 2 or 3 tons of ore – which is a poor history – I am indeed ghastly of all this affair and the oklahoman it is entirely at an goal the better .
unfortunately, while there are approximately 90 Belcher letters referring to Simsbury copper over the three decades he was involved in the mines, none are known from the period May 1735 to August 1739. Hopefully, some of Belcher ‘s letters from this critical period will finally be found .
then why do we believe that these copper tokens are indeed the cultivate of Samuel Higley ? Basically, we have two lines of attest. First, class lore. not to be wholly discounted, but neither should these legends be considered wholly dependable. second, his know ability as a steelmaker. While many people in Simsbury were skilled metalworkers, most would have been familiar entirely with copper or iron exercise. Striking coins required the ability to work with steel. The tell points to Samuel Higley. His will was written in 1734 and mentions his mine but nothing about coining equipment. He is believed to have died in 1737, so who struck the 1739 coppers remains a question. A number of sources have claimed that Higley ‘s work was continued by his elder brother, John, Jr., and versatile early associates. none of these claims has been substantiated. If Samuel Higley died in 1737, the coiner of the late issues is still a mystery .
While there is hush much diachronic work remaining to be done on the origins of these coppers, 9 we do have dozens of the coins themselves to study. preliminary results of a metallurgical analysis are presented here, followed by a description of the coins by die varieties and a census of the specimens held in both populace and private collections .
Another avenue of research I have undertaken on the Higleys is neutron activation analysis. I have done this exercise in collaboration with Adon Gordus at the University of Michigan. Basically, we rubbed about 10 micrograms of copper off the edge of a Higley ( museums are typically more receptive to this procedure than collectors ) and put the rub in a nuclear nuclear reactor where it was bombarded with neutrons. A small proportion of the atoms of many metallic elements are changed into radioactive isotopes and the energy of the radiation given off is measured which allows determination of the elementary constitution of the man being studied. We looked at actual Higleys, some suspect fakes, ore I collected from Higley ‘s mine, and contemporary british copper coins. We hoped that the Connecticut ore would have some trace elements which would allow us to distinguish british from american english copper. While the analysis was useful for detecting fakes, all the actual copper coins of the period were approximately exchangeable in elemental musical composition. But we did debunk the myth that Higleys are rare because they are pure copper and frankincense were used by goldsmiths for alloying. All the early eighteenth-century bull coins were all over 95 % copper ( largely 98-99 % ). The one caveat is that our analysis could not detect canister. For this study consequently, all specimens analyzed were assumed to contain no tin. If Higleys were perceived as pure, it may have been a eighteenth-century myth that led to their selective manipulation by goldsmiths, not an eighteenth-century fact. Further study of the elemental constitution of Higley coppers and other contemporary coppers coins should be done using techniques which can detect tin .
In addition to studies of the elemental typography of these Coppers, I believe that other metallurgical studies would be fruitful. There remain many questions about the manufacture of these challenging tokens. precisely how were they struck ? How many impressions were made from a given die ? How were planchets cut and annealed ? cost double-struck coins annealed between strikes ? Were any dies made after Samuel Higley ‘s death ? Who struck these Coppers after his death and why did they finally stop ?
finally, what was the function of these tokens in local economic life ? What was the geographic range of their circulation ? How many years did they circulate ? The die numbering system I have used continues hanker held assumptions about the regulate of hit, based chiefly on the legends on these coppers. But were these legends actually responses to the acceptance, or lack thence, of the first base Higley coppers on which he tried to annoint upon a half penny worth of bull the value of 3 pence ? All in all, the Higley coppers represent a significant chapter in the economic and industrial growing pains of this state. As we learn more about them, we besides learn more about economic and technological changes which were simultaneously occuring on the larger scale more normally considered by historians studying colonial America .
Catalogue and Census
The follow abbreviations are used in the descriptive listings : associate in nursing 1914 exhibition of United States and Colonial Coins ( New York City, 1914 )
H. Chapman, “The Colonial Coins of America Prior to
the Declaration of Independence, July 4th, 1776,” The numismatist 1916, pp. 101-10.
|Crosby||Sylvester S. Crosby, The early Coins of America Boston, 1875).|
|Ellsworth||John E. Ellsworth, Simsbury : Being a brief Historical Sketch of Ancient and Modern Simsbury (Simsbury, 1935).|
Richard D. Kenney, “Struck Copies of Early American Coins,” Coin Collector ‘s Journal
141 (1952), pp. 1-16.
Wyman W. Parker, Connecticut ‘s Colonial and Continental Money ,
Connecticut Bicentennial Series 18 (Hartford, 1976).
Howland Wood, “A New Variety of the Higley
Coppers,” The numismatist 1913, pp. 380-82.
Crosby knew of 10 varieties from 6 obverse and 5 rearward dies. 10 Two new dies and five extra die marriages have been discovered since. All of the actual dies deoxyadenosine monophosphate well as the Bolen replicate are illustrated. In this list, obverse dies are numbered ; reverses are assigned letters. A type known from multiple dies is assigned a second character. This allows the addition of new discoveries which may be made in the future ( e.g. a second die of “ The Wheele Goes Round ” character would be known as 4.2 and the die now known would be changed from 4 to 4.1 ) .
Type 1 Deer surrounded by legend “ THE VALVE OF THREE PENCE ” Three dies known ( 1.1 is the obverse of Crosby 17 ; 1.2 is the obverse of Crosby 18 and 19 ; 1.3 was unknown to Crosby and apparently discovered by Chapman [ fig. 2 ] ) .
1.1 Newman Coll .
The right end of the horizontal line beneath the deer is a utilitarian diagnostic, being between “ N ” and “ C ” on 1.1, at “ C ” on 1.2 and hitting “ C ” on 1.3. The left end of this line is at the edge of the letter “ H ” on die 1.1 and 1.3 while it points at the center field of the letter “ H ” on die 1.2 .
The localization of the word “ THREE ” relative to this note is besides utilitarian. On die 1.2 the letters “ EE ” sit right on the line, while on 1.1 and 1.3, no letters touch the line. The localization of the deer ‘s hind legs relative to the dot below distinguishes 1.1 ( on which the acid is reasonably in front of a point directly below the foot ) from 1.2 and 1.3 ( on which the scatter is directly below the foot ). finally, the spacing of the letters “ PEN ” differs among the three dies .
The side of the horns is another diagnostic. On die 1.1 the right horn points between “ O ” and “ F ”, while on 1.2 it points a bite further to the right, i.e. the leave border of “ F ”. While this distinction is small, this french horn can be more well used to distinguish 1.1 and 1.2 from on 1.3, where it is seen to point to the middle of “ F ” .
The Bolen copy made in the mid-nineteenth century is an imitation of die 1.2. There are, however, a count of meaning differences. The circle around the deer is accomplished on the Bolen transcript. The copy besides has a point in the C on PENCE. Some tire Bolen copies are known, but even these are promptly distinct ( libyan islamic fighting group. 3 ) .
3. ANS ( Bolen copy of Die 1.2 )
4. Die 2. Parmelee:276
Type 2 Deer surrounded by caption “ VALVE ME AS YOU PLEASE ”
Note the practice of V twice in “ VALVE ”. See description of obverse Type 3 for number of differences which can be used to distinguish between Type 2 and Type 3 on specimens on which this letter is either wear or not struck well .
One die known ( this die is the obverse of Crosby 20 american samoa well as one marriage strange to Crosby [ libyan islamic fighting group. 4 ] ) .
Type 3 Deer surrounded by legend “ VALUE ME AS YOU PLEASE ” Three dies known ( 3.1 is the obverse of Crosby 21 and 23 ; 3.2 is the obverse of Crosby 22 and 24 ; 3.3 is the obverse of Crosby 25 and 26 ; 3.2 and 3.3 are besides found in one fail marriage each unknown to Crosby [ libyan islamic fighting group. 5 ] ) .
If the word “ VALVE ” is not sharp, Type 3 may be distinguished from Type 2 by early diagnostics. The headliner is rotated differently and there is a dot between “ PLEASE ” and the leading which follows it. In accession, on Type 2, the spaces between the words “ ME AS YOU ” are greater than the spaces between these words on all three dies of Type 3. There is besides a classifiable die chew in the field of die 2 .
3.1 Newman Coll .
Distinguishing between the 3 dies of Type 3 is unmanageable because so many specimens are well wear. The most utilitarian diagnostic features are the put of the letter “ L ” in PLEASE and the put of the deer ‘s horns. besides useful is the situation of “ III ” relative to the line above. On 3.1 the telephone line is a one broad line while on 3.2 and 3.3 it is a doubly line. On 3.2 the first base and third gear “ I ” touch the cable above, while none affect on 3.1. ( On one impression of 3.2 [ in the ANS ], “ III ” does not touch the line above. Therefore this is not a leave of die cutting but rather the Roman numerals were indeed close to the line that this slender while of metallic did not final long and broke off the die. )
ultimately, on die 3.3, there are alone two arcs below “ III ”, with more on 3.1 and 3.2 .
Type 4 Wheel surrounded by caption “ THE WHEELE GOES ROUND ” One die known ( obscure to Crosby ; discovered by Wood [ figure. 6 ] ) .
Given that all features of this die are dramatically different than all other dies no diagnostic details are needed .
6. Die 4. Groves Coll .
type A Three crowned hammers surrounded by caption “ CONNECTICVT 1737 ”
One die known ( A is the reversion of Crosby 17 and 18 [ libyan islamic fighting group. 7 ] ) .
The turn back of the Bolen copy is an caricature of die A. The Bolen has an extra bead in the band on the crowns, and since most Bolens are in much better condition than most genuine Higleys this feature is about constantly quite discrete ( fig. 8 ) .
7. Die A. Newman Coll .
8. ANS ( Bolen copy of Die A )
type B Three crowned hammers surrounded by legend “ I AM good bull 1737 ”
Two dies known ( B.a is the reversion of Crosby 19, 21, and 22 ; B.b is the reverse of Crosby 20 [ fig. 9 ] ) .
flush if all the legends were missing, Type A can be distinguished from B by the longer and thinner hammer handles on A and the different relative positions of the hammers .
B.a can be distinguished from B.b using spacing of letters in the caption : “ OP ” is farther apart on B.a while “ PP ” is closer on B.a. In addition, “ 1737 ” is spaced broad on B.a and the point before the handwriting is lower on B.a ( i.e. close to the center of the coin ). The dot after “ copper ” is lower and further away on B.a ( relative to the letter “ R ” ). ultimately, the decoration between “ COPPER ” and “ 1737 ” is smaller on B.a and besides slightly unlike in design .
B.a Simsbury Hist. Soc .
B.a Roper : 151
B.b Crosby, pl. 8, 20
10. Die C. Miller : 1799B
Type C Broadaxe surrounded by legend “ J CUT MY WAY THROUGH ” One die known ( C is the inverse of Crosby 23, 24, and 25 [ figure. 10 ] )
Most specimens show a die separate at the letter “ T ”. One specimen known without this die violate is of variety 3.1-C, consequently yielding information about emission sequence ; 3.2-C and 3.3-C are former uses of this invert die since all impressions show the die break .
Type D Broadaxe surrounded by caption “ J CUT MY WAY THROUGH 1739 ” One die known ( D is the reverse of Crosby 26 [ fig. 11 ] ) .
even if the date is worn or not struck up, Type D can be distinguished from Type C by the position of the legend relative to the broadax. The wield points to the letter “ Y ” on Type C and to the letter ” T ” on Type D .
Die D. Roper:153
Die D. Steinberg:51
Attributing Higley coppers can be time consuming on wear specimen. In accession, a phone number of specimens are known which have been doubly strike. Given the odd planchets, I believe that many of these duplicate strikes are not errors but attempts to improve coins which did not receive an adequate initial stamp. When using relative position of design elements, one should be mindful of whether or not the coin at hand is bivalent mint as this will, of class, affect alignment of elements from the two strikes. The fact that the second mint often leaves much of the first impression visible indicates that the faces of the two dies were often not quite parallel. This suggests that these coppers were hammer strike, though far analyze is neccesary to determine whether the dies were hinged together to provide some degree of alignment or whether the dies were completely unattached .
There is one specimen which presents another mystery. The ANS owns a copper which looks unlike any other Higley ( figure. 12 ). This may be a counterfeit or a reengraved nibble but differs indeed dramaticaly in choice of engraving that it is unmanageable to imagine that it is from the lapp hand as any of the early Higley coppers. Further survey of this specimen is warranted to determine the method and date of its manufacture a well as the identity of its godhead .
From these 8 obverse and 5 reverse dies, 15 die marriages are known to date, of which Crosby knew of 11. Listed below are the die marriages known to Crosby, keyed to the exemplification numbers on his plate 8, and those marriages discovered by others since. A list of a census of individual specimens is found in Appendix 1 .
|1.3-A||Discovered by Chapman before 1916|
|2-B.a||Discovered by Freidus in 1985|
|3.3-B.a||Discovered by Dr. Hall (marginal note in his copy of Crosby in the ANS,
indicating that he knew of 3.3-B.a and apparently owned a specimen)
|3.2-D||Discovered by Freidus in 1985|
|4-C||Discovered by Wood|
Census of Higley Coppers
The follow census information should be considered a snapshot of a process preferably than a definitive finished product. There are Higleys which I have been told of but which I can not verify because I have seen neither the coin nor its photograph. surely there are besides those which have not even come to my attention. Readers who know of specimens not included in this census are asked to contact the generator through the ANS .
A diagnose followed by a number indicates a specimen ‘s owner and bunch issue if sold at auction or accession number if owned by an initiation. If sold at auction, the cataloger and date of the sale comply in parentheses. An asterisk following an entry indicates the steward of a specimen at the time of this writing. Entries followed by a dart bespeak that the current location is not known to the author .
|1.1-A||1) Crosby:948 (Haseltine 6/27/1883); Newman* (Crosby 17 [plate coin])|
|2)Jenks:5431 (H. Chapman, 12/7/21); Stack’s 10/20/87,
23 – (10.37 g)
|1.2-A||1) Connecticut Historical Society* (Parker, p. 24)|
|2) Bushnell: 189 (S.H. and H. Chapman 6/20/1882); Zabriskie:34 (H. Chapman 6/3/09); SI*|
|3) Fleischer:477 (Stack’s 9/7/79) – (9.66 g)|
|4) Parmeee:274 (New York City Coin and Stamp
|5) Mayflower 3/29/57, 1626 —|
|1.3-A||1) Connecticut State Library:8675* (8.25 g, 2 holes)|
|2) Picker:98 (Stack’s 10/24/84; anonymous collector|
|3) Roper:l48 (Stack’s 12/8/83; Groves* (7.76 g)|
|4) Woodward 3/13/1865, 2594; Heman Ely: 1054 (Woodward
1/8/1884); Massamore; Garrett:1303 (Stack’s
10/1/80); Roper: 149 (Stack’s l2/8/83)—(9.80 g, plugged)
|6) H.M. Sturges (1954); Simsbury Historical Society*|
|1.2-B.a||1) Bushnell:190 (S.H. and H. Chapman 6/20/1882); Parmelee – (kenney, p. 9)|
|2) Norweb:1238 (Bowers and Merena 10/12/87); Linett
|2-B.a||1) Krugjohann:23 (Bowers and Ruddy 5/14/76); Roper: 150
(Stack’s 12/8/83); N.Y. dealer; anonymous collector – (10.05 g)
|2) Newman* (10.09 g)|
|2-B.b||1) Parmelee:276 (New York City Coin and Stamp
6/25/1890); Mitchelson; Connecticut State Library:8666* (7.10 g)
|3.1-B.a||1) Hall:28 (Stack’s 5/15/45); H.M. Sturges (1954);
Simsbury Historical Society*
|2) Zabriskie:35 (H. Chapman 56/3/09); Connecticut
|3) Bascom:41 (H. Chapman 1/16/15); Ellsworth (3/23);
Garrett:1304 (Bowers and Ruddy 10/1/80) – (9.34 g)
|4) Colvin:106l (Numismatic Gallery 8/25/42); Robison:60 (Stack’s 2/10/82); Stack’s FPL 1989, C65 (8.01 g)|
|5) Mickley:2405 (Woodward 10/28/1867); Stevens; Bushnell:191 (S.H. and H. Chapman 6/20/1882); SI* (8.66
|6) Newman* (9.23 g)|
|7) Jackman:72 (H. Chapman 6/28/18) —|
|8)Mayflower 10/12/57, 4 —|
|3.2-B.a||1) Crosby:949 (Haseltine 6/27/1883); Parmelee; DeWitt Smith (12/08); Brand:953 (Bowers and Merena 6/18/84) –
(Crosby 22 [plate coin])
|2) Roper: 151 (Stack’s 12/8/83); N.Y. dealer – (8.62
|3) ANS* (8.18 g)|
|4) New Netherlands 7/21/76, 812; Groves*|
|5) Norweb: 1239 (Bowers and Merena 10/12/87) —|
|3.3-B.a||1) Jackman:71 (H. Chapman 6/28/18) —|
|2) Stack’s 12/7/79, 23; Cowden:913 (Stack’s 12/1/93) –
|3.1-C||1) Sarah Sofia Banks (1818) – BM* (8.53 g)|
|2) Picker (1969); Park: 136 (Suck’s 5/26/76) —|
|3) Lauder:163 (Doyle 12/15/83; [Arnold-Romisa]:579
(Bowers and Merena 9/17/84); Stack’s FPL 1992, 220 – (9.64 g)
|4) ANA auction (Kagin’s 8/16/83; Early American Numismatics; anonymous collector*|
|5) Connecticut State Library:8665 (9.54 g)|
|3.2-C||1) Miller: 1799B (Elder 5/26/20); Garrett: 1305 (Bowers and Ruddy 10/1/80); Picker – (10.51 g)|
|2) Bushnell: 192 (S.H. and H. Chapman 6/20/1882); SI*
|3) Gschwend:45 (Elder 6/15/08); S.H. Chapman; Robison:6l (Stack’s 2/10/82; Stack’s FPL Fall 1983, 594;
Superior 1/30/84, 20; Stack’s FPL June 1986 – (ANS 1914. Numerous electrotypes of this specimen exist)
|4) C. Hawley; Anton; Roper: 152 (Stack’s 12/8/83; Anton; anonymous collector – (9.84 g)|
|5) Merkin 9/11/74, 250; Bowers and Ruddy, Rare Coin Review
22, 23, 24, 25 (1975, 1976); Kriesberg 10/24/78, 25; Early American Numismatics (“Buy or Bid” 7/85) – (9.64
|6) Sarah Sofia Banks (1818); BM* (9.72 g)|
|8) Jackman:73 (H. Chapman 6/28/18) —|
|3.3-C||1) Zabriskie:39 (H. Chapman 6/3/09); Picker:99 (Stack’s 10/24/84) – (7.13 g)|
|2) Zabriskie:40 (H. Chapman 6/3/09); Norweb (1982); SI*
|3) DeWitt Smith (12/08; Brand:954 (Bowers and Merena
6/18/84); anonymous collector*
|4) Stickney:97 (H. Chapman 6/25/07) – (10.11 g)|
|3.2-D||1) Bushnell: 193 (S.H. and H. Chapman 6/20/1882); Ellsworth; Garret:1307 (Bowers and Ruddy 10/1/80; [Sonderman]:19 (Stack’s
5/2/85); Freidus* (7.74 g)
|2) Connecticut State Library:8668* (9.42 g)|
|3) Zabriskie:4l (H. Chapman 6/3/09); Newcomer; Newman*
|4) Norweb:1240 (Bowers and Merena 10/12/87) – (8.28 g)|
|5) Col. Green; Mayflower 3/29/57, 1628; Oeschner:9277
(Stack’s 9/8/88) – (9.10 g)
|3.3-D||1) Massachuettss Historical Society:84 (Stack’s 3/29/73;
Steinberg: 51 10/17/89); Early American Numismaticss FPL 12/93; Long Island collector* (11.11 g; plugged;
reverse used for Crosby 26—plate is of electrotype, so hole not evident.)
|2) Connecticut Historical Society*|
|3) Zabriskie:42 (H. Chapman 6/3/09) – (6.16 g)|
|4) Zabriskie; ANS* (8.40 g)|
|5) Brand; [Breisland:8311 (Stack’s 6/20/73); Roper: 153 (Stack’s 12/8/83); Groves* (8.55 g)|
|6) Morris; Jenks:5432 (H. Chapman 12/7/21) – (8.00
|7) NASCA 11/77, 58; Early American Numismatics (“Buy or Bid”) Summer 1985, 125 (10.72 g)|
|4-C||1) Wood; Garrett: 1306 (Bowers and Ruddy 10/1/80);
Roper: 154 (Stack’s 12/8/83); Groves*
The Eagle That is Forgotten. Pierre Eugène Du Simitière, Founding Father of American Numismatics (Wolfeboro, NH,
1988), p. 25,
Thanks are due to the many people who have given freely of time and information,
including Eric P. Newman, Anthony Terranova, Joel Orosz, Alan Weinberg, Donald Groves, and many librarians,
curators, and directors of museums and historical societies as well as other anonymous collectors and dealers. Some remain
according to their wishes, others are temporarily relegated to that status by my faulty memory.
Joel J. Orosz, ( Wolfeboro, NH, 1988 ), p. 25, libyan islamic fighting group. 2 Thanks are due to the many people who have given freely of prison term and information, including Eric P. Newman, Anthony Terranova, Joel Orosz, Alan Weinberg, Donald Groves, and many librarians, curators, and directors of museums and historical societies american samoa well as other anonymous collectors and dealers. Some remain anonymous according to their wishes, others are temporarily relegated to that condition by my defective memory .
A History of the Simsbury Copper Mines
, Ms. ( Trinity College, Hartford, 1928 ), p. 1 ( citing unpublished
Simsbury Town Records
John J. McCusker,
How Much is That in Real Money? A Historical Price Index for Use as a
( Worcester, MA, 1992 ), pp. 323-32 ( postpone A-2 ) .
James A. Mulholland,
A History of Metals in Colonal America
( University, AL, 1981 ), p. 46 .
Mary J. Springman and Betty F. Guinan,
East Granby: The Evolution of a Connecticut Town
( Canaan, NH, 1983 ), p. 23 .
Lucius I. Barber,
A Record and Documentary History of Simsbury
( Simsbuy, CT, 1931 ), p. 384 ( citing unpublished
Connecticut Colonial Records
, vol. 7, p. 174 ) .
|7||Richardson ( above, n. 2 ), p. 51 .|
|8||Richardson ( above, n. 2 ), p. 57 ( citing an unpublished letter in the solicitation of The Massachusetts Historical Society .|
Albert C. Bates, Sundry Vital Records of and Pertaining to the present Town of East Granby, Connecticut 1737-1886 (Hartford, 1947);
Mary C. Johnson, The Higleys and Their Ancestry (
Alice H. Jones, Wealth of a nation To Be (
John D. Perin, Geology of the Newgate Prison Mine of East Granby, Ms. (University of Connecticut, Storrs, 1976);
Edwin J. Perkins, The Economy of Colonial America, 2nd ed. (
Noah A. Phelps, history of Simsbury, Granby and Canton, from 1642 to 1845 (Hartford, 1845);
The entice of the Litchfield Hills 45 (1974, pp. 28-37;
Mary K. Talcot, Collections of The Connecticut Historical Society, Vol. 5, The Talcott Papers. Correspondence and Documents ( Chiefly Official) During Joseph Talcott ‘s Governorship of the Colony of Connecticut, 1724-174. Part 2, 1737-41 (Hartford, 1896).
In addition to works cited above, the following have been consulted in the preparation of this study : Albert C. Bates, ( Hartford, 1947 ) ; Mary C. Johnson,
New York City, 1896 ) ; Alice H. Jones,
New York City, 1980 ) ; John D. Perin, , Ms. ( University of Connecticut, Storrs, 1976 ) ; Edwin J. Perkins, , 2nd erectile dysfunction. ( New York City
, 1988 ) ; Noah A. Phelps, ( Hartford, 1845 ) ;
Lawrence Scanlon, “ A New Look at an Old Map, ” 45 ( 1974, pp. 28-37 ; Mary K. Talcot, , Vol. 5 ,. Part 2, 1737-41 ( Hartford, 1896 ) .
The early Coins of America Sylvester S.Crosby,
Boston, 1875 ), pp. 324-26 .
Two Coins in One: Large Cents with Interesting Counterstamps
Q. David Bowers
neologism of the Americas Conference at the American Numismatic Society, New York City
October 29, 1994
© The American Numismatic Society, 1995
someday I would like to write a large and wide-ranging reserve on counterstamped large cents. In fact, this book-to-be has been long in the take than anything I have ever written, for in 1955, when the theme of collecting counterstamped big cents was a fresh discipline in my eyes, I first dreamed of writing about the stories behind the coins. In a room, separate of this book has been written, in the form of two studies, the monograph, The Strange Career of Dr. Wilkins : A Numismatic Study ( 1987 ) and the book-length attempt, The Water-ford Water Cure : A Numismatic Inquiry ( 1992 ). In addition, I have written numerous articles on the topic for The Numismatist, Penny-Wise, Coin World, and other forums in print. Someday, the “ bad koran ; ” for now, this analyze outlining features of this concern numismatic forte .
Counterstamps hold their secrets well, and unlike date and mint-mark varieties of regular United States coins, which are for the most part mentioned in Mint reports and commensurateness and differently documented, few stamped pieces have left a newspaper trail .
It has been left up to numismatic scholars to study the pieces and learn what they can, much in association with looking through nineteenth century directories, newspapers, and other sources. What one student or writer delineates, another builds upon. Frank G. Duffield, Maurice M. Gould, Kenneth L. Hallenbeck, Russell Rulau, and Dr.Gregory G. Brunk have each, in that order, taken the exploit of their predecessors one step fore. Doubtless, another coevals of counterstamp enthusiasts will learn much which is presently stranger to us .
The mystique of such pieces is what makes them so interesting. It is constantly a bang to find a diagnose in a directory or other source and match it with a counterstamp seen on a penny. sometimes I have spent a day, or several days, looking through nineteenth hundred printed matter without discovering a thing. But this has spurred me to look far. It would n’t be half as much fun to collect these pieces if everything were known about them. My waterford Water Cure and Dr. Wilkins books, each about one particular issuer of counterstamped cents, each concern respective months of my life ; respective identical enjoyable months, I hasten to add .
Every numismatic survey should have its function. I propose that as counterstamped coins have been interesting for me to own and collect, the determination of this brief study is to parcel with you the characteristics of versatile bombastic cent counterstamp types, and give sketches of several example issuers .
Learning About Counterstamps
In 1955, I acquired a located of monthly issues of The numismatist from 1904 to date, and as fourth dimension out from my high school studies and coin dealing activities permitted, I skimmed each issue, pausing to read articles of sake. Part way through the issues of the class 1947 I encountered in the July number an article, “ Counterstamped or Countermarked U.S. Large Cents, ” bearing Maurice M. Gould ‘s byline. 1 I read the article word by word, then read it again. By the time I encountered Gould ‘s article I had a casual acquaintance with the topic of counterstamps in general, largely cognition I had gained from reading Frank G. Duffield ‘s serial article on counterstamps which began in The numismatist in 1919 and continued until 1921 .
Counterstamped large cents seemed to be fabulously absorbing, and I had bought several twelve of them here and there, largely by writing letters to dealers who advertised in The Numismatic Scrap-book Magazine and The Numismatist. As partially of the search I telephoned Mr. Gould, and he responded by sending me a survival of pieces priced on the average of a dollar each. I merely had to have all of the counterstamped large cents I could find !
Time went on, and I studied the cents in my own possession and far contemplated the listings in the 1947 Gould article. Up to that clock time very little had been written concerning the counterstampers themselves. Listings were comprised of the inscriptions found on the cents, and little else .
I paused to think. Why would person counterstamp a cent, and how would they do it ? In the “ how would they do it ? ” class I realized that a long-ago counterstamper would have had to have possessed a punch or die to do the work. As making a punch or die with a name on it isn’t something to be done casually just to mark a bombastic cent or two, there must have been another determination for creating same. What type of activities during the early nineteenth century-during the large cent era-required the use of a metallic element punch in the ordinary course of business ?
silversmith ! I recognized that certain punches of the hallmark character ( with raised letters ) that I had seen on bombastic cents were exchangeable in concept to the punches used by silversmiths and jewelers to mark the undersides of spoons, dishes, and other metallic merchandise. I contacted Maurice M. Gould and mentioned this connection to him, and he suggested that I investigate far. apparently, no one had ever thought to investigate this area .
I sought and found several guides to silversmiths ‘ marks, and was rewarded by identifying a twelve or more on large cents ! equally simple as this may seem now, to a generation of numismatists schooled in the history of counerstamps, tokens, and other merchants ‘ pieces, in 1955 it was a revelation. In a follow-up article in The Numismatist, July 1957, Gould, noting that I was a “ well-known dealer ” ( albeit merely 18 years erstwhile, which he did not mention ), credited me with this determine. I was thrilled beyond all measure !
several Collections Acquired
erstwhile around 1957 Gould offered me his personal collection of counerstamps, which he had been gathering for over 25 years. I lost no time in acquiring his holding en bloc, paying something like a dollar a coin for the lot. not long thereafter the collection of counterstamped coins formed over a long period of time by boastfully penny specialist John Gilbody was offered to me, and I acquired it vitamin a well. By August 1959 my hold of counterstamped cents comprised slightly over 600 pieces, including 25 examples of cents counterstamped by silversmiths. As the years passed, I acquired about 1,500 more cents, probably turning down doubly this total ( pieces stamped with stray letters, and so forth, which did not fit my requirements ) .
In 1984 I made the acquaintance of Roy H. Van Ormer, and in 1985 I made arrangements to purchase his collection of counterstamped cents, which had been quite a few years in the form and which comprised respective hundred in truth outstanding pieces, plus others of peripheral interest. In 1984 and 1985 I acquired a bombastic count of counterstamps from John J. Ford, Jr., who had purchased them years earlier from the collections of F.C.C. Boyd and Hillyer C. Ryder. In addition, John had his own interest in counterstamp, and numerous examples had been acquired here and there since the 1950s, particularly during the course of his involvement with the management of the New Netherlands Coin Company .
The firm of Rossa & Tanenbaum was another generator for many pieces during the 1980s, including a collection of cents stamped with eagle motifs and several twelve cents stamped with the mark of Dr. G.G. Wilkins .
It is always fun to be first on the scene and to acquire an uncategorized group of counterstamps. Such an opportunity presented itself in 1989 when a roll up of about 200 pieces was put up for bids in Boston. The group, which had never been examined by a specialist in counterstamps, was jumbled together loosely in a box and had been gathered over a long period of years by the recently Don Corrado Romano, owner of the Worthy Coin Company in Boston, which bought coins from the public via print premium Price guides, à la B. Max Mehl. The roll up yielded several silversmiths ‘ stamps and a twelve or indeed other choice pieces. There were, of naturally, quite a few coins of lesser interest, including those with digress initials and letters. however, enough scarce varieties existed to make the leverage worthwhile. My leverage was effected by Miles Coggan of the J.J. Teaparty Co .
In 1985, Dr.Gregory G. Brunk, associated with the University of Oklahoma, contacted me about my collection of counterstamped large cents. He planned to write a book on all american counterstamps, large cents and all early denominations, and wanted to come to my agency to see what I had. Arrangements were concluded, and during that summer Greg spent a week in our conference room, examining a couple thousand big cents and taking detail notes on them while selecting pieces for photography. Released in 1987, Dr. Brunk’s American and canadian Countermarked Coins was a welcome addition to the hobby and served to condense between two covers about all of what was known on the national .
The Romance of Counterstamps
large cents possess a special fascination. I am writing not of counterstamped cents, but of “ ordinary ” pieces bearing dates from 1793 forth. Dr. William H. Sheldon, in early american Cents 2 wrote with assurance when he stated that oklahoman or late the know numismatist will turn from early series, even ones containing big rarities, and fall to the collection of humiliate big cents. such pieces, according to Sheldon, seem to possess an about living affectionateness and personality not encountered in any other metal ; the big cents are something more than old money ; look at a handful of cents dated before 1815, when they contained relatively pure copper, and you see rich shades of green, red, brown university, and even deep ebon, together with blendings of these not elsewhere matched in nature, save possibly in fall leaves .
Counterstamped large cents go one gradation further. The surfaces of early cents, normally worn to begin with, were damaged or enhanced ( depending upon your vantage point ! ) by being stamped with a person ‘s identify, or a silversmith ‘s Hall crisscross, or a trade motto .
big cents were first minted in 1793 and last coined in 1857. Although counterstamping seems to have occurred from the 1790s ahead, it seems likely that most natural process took topographic point from about 1830 to 1856. It was not until just a few years ago that I evening saw, yet alone owned, a counterstamped big penny dated 1857 .
Why Were Cents Counterstamped?
Why did people counterstamp big cents ? To begin with, cents were omnipresent ; they were everywhere, at least in the northeastern separate of the United States. Cents did not circulate actively in the american West, nor were they popular in the South, and this is why cents ( of the indian design by this fourth dimension ) were not coined at the San Francisco Mint until 1908 and not at the Denver Mint until 1911, and never at the Carson City and New Orleans facilities. however, from Illinois east to Maine and south to about Virginia the Copper cent was the chief coin used in everyday transactions involving small amounts of money. substantial numbers of cents circulated in the southern areas of Canada, particularly in Ontario and Quebec during the 1850s and 1860s .
As cents ( called large cents by a later generation, after the “ modest ” penny of the Flying Eagle design reached circulation in May 1857 ) circulated extensively, they were carried into every area of american life, from the White House to the most humble grow brood, from Main Street to Wall Street. Equipped with a handful of cents in, say, the class 1830, a traveler could buy a good meal, complete with a glass of beer, stay overnight in a travelers ‘ stop, travel on a turnpike or duct, or gain admission to a circus. Cents were a vital share of the american picture, of everyday american life .
Traveling from hand to hired hand, from village to village, the distinctive cent meet and did many things. It was but a legitimate pace for a shopkeeper or firm to realize that an ad stamped on a penny would cost about nothing to produce, would last a long meter, and would be carried far and wide .
A Visit to a Silversmith
think if you will a distinctive silversmith ‘s shop class of the early nineteenth century. On hand were one or several hallmark punches with which to mark spoons, forks, ladles, chafing dishes, porringers, and other work items made in the workshop or purchased from a manufacturer elsewhere. Such a Hall score was a symbol of pride, the mark of a quality merchandise. At the same time, cents, normally worn by the enactment of meter, were received and spent across the buffet, and carried in the workers ‘ pockets when they bought lunch or stabled their horses. To advertise the business it took but a moment to take a copper cent, place it face up on a tauten, level coat, posi- tion the authentication punch cautiously, and whack it with a hammer. Spent a few minutes, hours, or days late, the penny was on its way to spread the parole, just as leaves falling in a stream are carried downriver to the sea .
That silversmiths did such is evidenced by the many counterstamped cents known nowadays, the huge majority of which show the hallmark punches carefully positioned on the obverse. The counterstamping was done carefully and with an eye for posterity .
Let me ask you this interview : If you have your choice of one of the two following large cents, which would you pick ?1. 1831 cent in VF-30 grade, with attractive, pleasing surfaces.2. 1831 cent in VG-8 grade, quite worn, but bearing on the obverse a counterstamp reading STONE & BALL / SYRACUSE / N.Y.,
having been so stamped circa 1853-54 by a partnership of jewelers comprised of Seymour H. Stone and
Calvin S. Ball.
How about your choice of these two ?1. 1802 cent, Good-4 grade, attractive in all respects.2. 1802 cent, worn nearly smooth, but counterstamped with this legend: MESCHUTTS / METROPOLITAN / COFFEE ROOM / 433. BdWAY,
a souvenir of a
long-forgotten restaurant in New York City City. Or, how about picking one of these ?1. 1841 cent, VF-30 grade, attractive in every way.2. 1841 cent, VF-20, counterstamped VOTE THE LAND / FREE, by the Free Soil Party in the election of 1848, when that group
contended that America should be free from slavery. If you picked No. 2 in each exemplify, you know precisely why I was attracted to counterstamped large cents years ago, and why I am still enthusiastic about them today .
While the counterstamps barely mentioned have been attributed to their issuers, a far greater number remain as mysteries, although year by class more and more marks are identified. Who was the person who stamped H.S. BURGES cautiously in a horizontal position on the obverses of many large cents ? What was the occupation of the person who stamped the N.J. TRACY name on a big number of coins ? What type of apparent medicine ( if it was one ) was OIL OF ICE, as advertised on big cents, and what claims were made for it ?
once a stamp has been identified through research in old directories and newspaper, or is discernible from the address given on the counterstamp itself, then this question arises : What else can be learned about the counterstamper ?
In my collection I have a banal penny of the 1836 era stamped on the obverse with the dedication : WM. GRUMBINE / COACH / MAKER / HANOVER, PA. I know nothing about Grumbine apart from what the penny tells me. I can suppose that the logo punch used to counterstamp the penny was made for other purposes, possibly to stamp administration fittings or ornamentation on his coaches, or to mark a maker ‘s nameplate. What a thrill it will be if in some dark barn, or corner of some museum, a coach by Grumbine is found, and it bears this identical mark !
such a thing happened to Roy H. Van Ormer. He owned a big penny counterstamped with the dedication : J. YOUS, differently nameless. nothing was known approximately Yous, and published numismatic references were of no help. then Roy had a stroke of dear fortune : He found the identical stamp on a rifle known to have been made by Joshua Yous, who practiced his deal as a gunsmith in Greencastle, Pennsylvania from 1854 to 1861. All of the sudden an ordinary countermark, insignificant and nameless, came to life with a history !
How They Were Made
> Styles of Counterstamps
Counterstamps arrange themselves into three chief categories. Interestingly, little care has been paid to these categories by by writers, with the result that a survey of literature on the discipline fails to disclose which names were counterstamped with what I call logo punches and which were made with hall sign punches. The three categories are as follows :
( 1 ) logo punches : Cents stamped from these punches have the letter recessed or incuse in the surface. The huge majority of counterstamped cents were created by using logo punches. A relatively little total of metal had to be displaced to create a counterstamp of this nature, and the consequence was that a light blow from a malleus could create a distinctive notation on a coin. The inscription could be quite drawn-out, as evidenced by the MESCHUTT ‘S / METROPOLITAN / COFFEE ROOM / 433. BdWAY mentioned earlier, and by the once-popular USE / G.G.G. / & / G.G.G.G .
logo punches were used in department of commerce by many unlike types of tradesmen, particularly those who worked in hard metals such as steel and brass. The common counterstamp, CAST STEEL, known in many punch variations, was originally used to mark such vary products as carpenters’ tools, agricultural implements, and builders ‘ hardware .
Most logo punches are of single names, sometimes with the given name or initials, or initials alone, but frequently with precisely a surname. Examples of such logo punches with initials entirely include T.J.S. and S.S.K, while counterstamped cents with initials and a surname include E.C. MARSH, J. DODGE, C.C. DYER, H. REES ( a Philadelphia blacksmith who besides marked his wares with this tender ), and E.P. EVERETT, among thousands of others. In no more than a few percentage of known counterstamps is the first name of a counterstamper represented by more than a unmarried initial. rare exceptions include WALLACE BARNES ( a Bridgeport, Connecticut godhead of clock springs, who used this stamp to mark his output ) and WM. MILLER, among others .
( 2 ) Hallmark punches : Cents stamped from these punches have the letter raised within a small press down rectangle or other molding. It seems that the majority of authentication punches were primitively used by tradesmen who worked in voiced metals such as silver, gold, copper, and pewter. These were the punches primitively used to mark such wares. Examples include J. FISHER ( New York City city silversmith ), Hall & ELTON ( Geneva, New York City silversmiths ), and STONE & BALL ( Syracuse, New York City jewelers ) .
( 3 ) design or motif punches : Cents stamped from these punches show objects such as eagles, dogs, and other motifs, sometimes incorporating lettering a well. Eagles are most frequently seen and are often from punches primitively used to mark guns and early military and sporting goods .
Types of Lettering
The letter found on counterstamps, besides a subject which has not been studied earlier, can be divided into respective styles :
( A ) All upper case letters : This is the most often seen vogue, with all letters in capitals or amphetamine case. Examples include DRAKE, O & G, BOSTON, and R. NYE .
( B ) Letters in upper berth and lower character : This stylus is much rare and normally has the initials or first letters of a name in upper case and the rest of the name in lower case. Examples include T.E. Fisk, D.L. Howland, and C.W. Heney .
( C ) Italic type : A few countermarks are known in italic ( or slanting ) type, which may be in upper case or a combination of upper and lower case. Examples of italic names in amphetamine font include I. KINSEY, E.O. POLLARD, and S.S. JACKMAN .
( D ) script : very few countermarks, these normally being of the authentication style, are known with the name of the manufacturer expressed in script. An exercise is the hallmark of J.N. Hall expressed in flowing script within a molding .
It may be that some future student of the series will examine counterstamps cautiously, standard the stature and width of the inscriptions, and note their general categories, possibly using an outline such as that just given. A counterstamp of the 2-B style frankincense would be from a logo punch and have a concoction of upper case and lower sheath letters .
Who Did It and Why
Counterstamps were placed upon big cents for many purposes. here are some reasons that come to mind :
1. advertising : search to advertise their trade to a wide hearing, many different types of businesses stamped cents, making them virtual “ little billboards. ” Patent music compounders, hotel owners, jewelers, doctors, restaurateurs, and others marked cents with their names and, occasionally, with their addresses. Some advertisers used punches made expressly for the function of counterstamping big cents ( and other coins ). such stamps were designed so that the inscriptions fit easily within the boundaries of a cent’s surface, and were used so prolifically that it seems that advertising on cents was the elementary function of creating such a punch. long-familiar examples include DR. G.G. WILKINS ( a Pittsfield, New Hampshire dentist whose logo punch features his name in a curl bow, so as to fit handily in the battlefield of a penny in presence of Miss Liberty ‘s face ) and DEVINS / & / BOLTON / MONTREAL ( druggists who advertised extensively on canadian and american copper coins ) .
2. Metalsmitbs : Silversmiths, jewelers, gunsmiths, munitions makers, manufacturers of tools, stencil makers, and others who used logo or authentication punches in the ordinary course of business to mark manufacture items much employed these lapp punches on large cents. While some metalsmiths undoubtedly intended to advertise, credibly a larger phone number of individuals simply marked cents as a notion. surely the many known stray stampings of CAST STEEL, frequently seen on cents, without an company name, indicate that this practice was prevailing. Related are stray stampings of place names such as Boston, New York, etc. Motif punches, such as dogs, sunbursts, eagles, deer, etc. were intended for other purposes ( such as marking munitions, toys, and early products ) but were sometimes impress upon cents .
3. political : A few varieties of counterstamps were issued for political purposes, outstanding among these being the Free Soil Party ‘s VOTE THE LAND FREE commemorate .
4. commemorative : The Washington-Lafayette counterstamp of 1824, issued to mark the return travel to to the United States of the french hero of the american Revolution, is in this class .
4. Commerce : Some cents were stamped for function in commerce, as tokens for drayage or fare fares, with numbers for function as baggage, identify, or claim checks, or with other markings for habit as receipts. As these normally lack addresses, they are unmanageable to identify. Thus, a hole cent marked “ E.H. 123 ” may have been attached to a key for room 123 of the Eagle Hotel, but in the absence of early information, we will never know for surely .
5. reappraisal : Cents exist with counterstamps relating to the West Indies, and the hypnotism has been made that these were then stamp to permit american big cents to circulate there at stipulate values .
6. personal : Some individuals may have expended money to create logo or hallmark stamps with their names, in order to counterstamp coins, but this scenario is highly improbable. I mention it here as this class offers a popular explanation for differently unknown names. I suggest, however, that otherwise nameless names on cents were marked by persons who possessed punches for early reasons. In this category are surely the numerous punches which were excessively big to wholly fit on a penny ‘s open, so that only a contribution of the inscription could be transferred. such punches obviously were made for purposes other than stamping cents .
7. Overstrikes : big cents were sometimes used as planchets for tokens and medals or to test dies of these. Certain varieties of Hard Times tokens are known overstruck on big cents, for case, as are certain medals struck by J.A. Bolen, Springfield, MA diemaker. several different clothing button designs are known stamped on early cents, possibly to test punches .
8. notion : mention should besides be made of stray letters, numbers, and other markings sometimes seen on cents, arsenic well as names, memorial inscriptions, etc. stamped on cents one letter at a time for memento purposes. As these were not made from organize multiple-letter logo or hallmark punches they are more in the category of alleged “ love tokens ” and are largely one-of-a-kind .
9. Fantasies : In late decades some enterprising individuals have counterstamped cents with modern punches pertaining to Wells Fargo, Texas, western saloons, etc. to create pieces to sell to collectors. These have little value or concern to the good numismatist .
When It Was Done
large cents first appeared in circulation in 1793, and it is probable that soon thereafter certain pieces were counterstamped. The practice of counterstamping coins was in vogue by that time, and many foreign coins were marked by silversmiths, goldsmiths, jewelers, and others. Some of these individuals besides marked bombastic cents once they became prevailing in american circulation .
Judging from the dates seen on extant counterstamped cents, and making due allowance for the fact that earlier-dated cents are in general hard to find than later-dated ones, it is placid obvious that most counterstamping activeness took place after about 1830, with the height of bodily process credibly being in the 1850s .
boastfully cents were minted endlessly from 1793 to 1857, with the alone exception of the year 1815. The Act of February 21, 1857, provided for the substitute of the large penny with the new Flying Eagle design. The retirement of earlier-dated cents began immediately. I believe it probable that most counterstamping of boastfully cents ended by early 1857, and as evidence of this I point to the fact that in the course of examining approximately 10,000 counterstamped large cents over the years, I have only encountered one large penny bearing the date 1857 ! In 1857, the public was mindful that such coins were to be withdrawn. therefore, there was no point in counterstamping them and passing them along in circulation .
A survey of 3,348 counterstamped cents was conducted by the author in 1990. 3 In theory, the number of counterstamps surviving from a particular year should be in proportion to the number of cents strike charge that year ‘s date, but in practice there are many discrepancies. This would seem to verify that die dating was not rigorously observed at the Mint in the early years, and it was park drill to use dies on hand from former years, until they became wear or broken .
The pursue figures may well be of interest to big cent collectors in general. note, for case, the findings on the curio of cents date 1808. The survey of surviving counterstamped cents in this sample distribution yielded the pursue distribution of dates :
Dates in the 1790s : 1793 ( 4 ), 1794 ( 8 ), 1795 ( 12 ), 1796 ( 6 ), 1797 ( 16 ), 1798 ( 34 ), 1799 ( none ) .
comment : The 1793 cents included two Chain cents and two Wreath cents. Considering the size of the sample, the distribution of the penny dates is about a expected, except for 1793, for which the ratio is higher. The larger numeral of 1793 cents may be explained by the fact that break examples with counterstamps, even though they would have been considered “ damaged, ” were saved from circulation by collectors in the cradle days of numismatics in the 1840s and 1850s, when early earlier counterstamps would have been ignored .
Dates in the 1800s : 1800 ( 18 ), 1801 ( 30 ), 1802 ( 61 ), 1803 ( 101 ), 1804 ( 1 ), 1805 ( 16 ), 1806 ( 19 ), 1807 ( 33 ), 1808 ( 8 ), 1809 ( 4 ) .
comment : According to the coinage figures published in the Guide Book of U.S. Coins, the stick to quantities were primitively coined : 1800 : 2,822,175 ; 1801 : 1,362,837 ; 1802 : 3,435,100 ; 1803 : 3,131,691 ; 1804 : 96,500 ; 1805 : 941,116 ; 1806 : 348,000 ; 1807 : 829,221 ; 1808 : 1,007,000 ; and 1809 : 222,867. The proportion of surviving counterstamps does not match the print mintage figures, possibly indicating that the coinage figure for 1806 in detail is besides depleted, for it seems to be more plentiful than 1805. Cents date 1808 should be about four times more ample than those dated 1809, but this is not reflected by the phone number of surviving pieces. It seems probable that the published mintage for 1808 included cents bearing one or more earlier dates, with 1807 being a glaringly obvious campaigner. It becomes increasingly apparent that the survival proportion of counterstamped cents may be a lead to original mintages. 4
Dates in the 1810s : 1810 ( 31 ), 1811 ( 4 ), 1812 ( 11 ), 1813 ( 6 ), 1814 ( 23 ), 1816 ( 56 ), 1817 ( 84 ), 1818 ( 91 ), 1819 ( 53 )
comment : There are no surprises here. There is a courteous correlation between the earlier-mentioned 1809, with a mintage of 222,867 and 4 surviving counterstamps, and the 1811, of which 218,025 were made, and of which 4 counterstamps were besides seen in the sample. Further, unlike surveys that might be made of overlooked cents in collectors ‘ hands, the precede data are not affected by the survival of thousands of Randall Hoard cents ( go steady 1816-20 ), as none was counterstamped .
Dates in the 1820s : 1820 ( 44 ), 1821 ( 28 ), 1822 ( 65 ), 1823 ( 18 ), 1824 ( 34 ), 1825 ( 27 ), 1826 ( 35 ), 1827 ( 56 ), 1828 ( 62 ), 1829 ( 28 ) .
comment : More 1821-dated counterstamps exist than the broken mintage of 389,000 would seem to imply, suggesting that coins dated 1821 may have been included in the mintage of 1822 or subsequently years. For exercise, the 1821 ( mintage : 389,000 as noted ; 28 counterstamps surveyed ) and 1825 ( mintage : 1,461,100 ; 27 counterstamps surveyed ) do not square with each other. extra comparisons could be given .
Dates in the 1830s : 1830 ( 42 ), 1831 ( 110 ), 1832 ( 56 ), 1833 ( 35 ), 1834 ( 31 ), 1835 ( 81 ), 1836 ( 40 ), 1837 ( 133 ), 1838 ( 137 ), 1839 ( 65 ) .
comment : The ratios of surviving counterstamps and the original mintage figures seem to be fairly coherent .
Dates in the 1840s : 1840 ( 65 ), 1841 ( 33 ), 1842 ( 71 ), 1843 ( 48 ), 1844 ( 45 ), 1845 ( 63 ), 1846 ( 86 ), 1847 ( 109 ), 1848 ( 151 ), 1849 ( 100 )
comment : The ratios of surviving counterstamps and the master mintage figures seem to be fairly consistent .
Dates in the 1850s : 1850 ( 83 ), 1851 ( 198 ), 1852 ( 83 ), 1853 ( 172 ), 1854 ( 94 ), 1855 ( 38 ), 1856 ( 62 ), 1857 ( 1 )
comment : The ratios of surviving counterstamps and the original coinage figures seem to be fairly consistent, except for the dramatic curio of 1857 cents, of which the generator has only seen a individual model. The rarity of the 1857 may be explained by two factors : ( 1 ) Most of the 333,456 reported minted may never have been released, and ( 2 ) By early 1857 the public was aware that oldstyle “ big ” cents would soon be a thing of the past, and there was no longer any point in counterstamping them for advertising or publicity purposes .
The count of known early-dated counterstamps can not be directly compared to the number of know later-dated examples, as the longer a cent remained in circulation, the more opportunities it had to be counterstamped. Thus a cent dated early in the 1800s had been in circulation for many decades by the 1850s and had been subjected to many opportunities to be stamped. On the other hand, if we are to assume that widespread counterstamping of large cents diminished aggressively after 1856, then a cent date 1851, for model, would have had merely five years of opportunity for stamping by that time .
There are, however, exceptions to the past, and among them are the two most prolific counterstamps in North America. The stamp of Dr. G.G. Wilkins, of Pittsfield, New Hampshire, is believed to have been applied by and large from about 1857 through the early 1860s, using earlier-dated large cents, and the postage of Devins & Bolton, Montreal druggists, was chiefly applied in the 1860s, during which time there was an abundant provide of United States large cents in Canada .
Counterstamp Locations on Coins
Most counterstamped cents that have a stamp just on one slope have it on the obverse .
A review of several thousand counterstamped large cents yielded the succeed : A. Counterstamped on obverse only : 81 % B. Counterstamped on inverse only : 10 % C. Counterstamped on obverse and reverse : 9 %
If “ C ” category is eliminated, and these coins are added to both the “ A ” and “ B ” categories, the follow distribution emerges : A. Counterstamped on obverse ( some have change by reversal stamp excessively ) : 91 % B. Counterstamped on reversion ( some have obverse stamp excessively ) : 18 %
In 1990 Dr. Brunk did a similar surveil, 5 but one involving all types of coins ( not precisely large cents ), and limited just to countermarks referring specifically to advertising. His data are as follows : A. Counterstamped on obverse only : 86 % B. Counterstamped on reverse only : 11 % C. Counterstamped on obverse and revoke : 3 %
His sketch shows a higher percentage of obverse-only stamps, which would seem coherent for pieces specifically counterstamped for advertise purposes. such pieces tended to be stamped more carefully than those with stray names .
The Policies of Certain Issuers
The stamp MESCHUTT ‘S / METROPOLITAN / COFFEE ROOM / 433. BdWAY is large and contains many letters. The stamper found that the logo punch was best impressed upon well-worn large cents with fairly polish surfaces, as is evidenced by surviving pieces. Most coins observed have the counterstamp sharp but the host coin worn closely legato, indicating that the stamp was applied to a banal coin. Had the stamp been applied to a sharply defined coin which then spent years in circulation after having been stamped, the counterstamp would be worn away to a greater extent than is apparent .
Dr. G.G. Wilkins created two stamps with his name, DR. G.G. WILKINS, curved in an arc to match the space on the obverse discipline of a large penny fair in presence of Miss Liberty ‘s face, and in that location he applied the huge majority of his counterstamps. VOTE THE LAND / FREE was created on a stamp to fit nicely on the airfoil of a large cent, as were several other ad or political punches .
It was the commit of many silversmiths to place their punch carefully on the obverse of a penny, right on the head of Miss Liberty, because this was the thickest part of the mint and therefore was the best area to receive the deeply impress authentication. besides, in this position the hallmark could be better seen by subsequent owners of the penny .
The stamps of H.S. BURGES and B. PARKER normally were placed in a horizontal position on the obverse of cents, although Burges was less careful and much placed some of his diagonally. Each was a reasonably wide logo punch, and care had to be taken therefore that the arrant punch would be placed across the cent. The H. REES counterstamp applied by Henry Rees, a Philadelphia blacksmith, was closely always situated on the obverse of a cent at the top of Miss Liberty ‘s head .
Collectors and Collections
Counterstamps in the Hooper Collection
It is a dangerous practice to call anything “ beginning, ” for the moment such reaches print, person discovers something to antedate it. however, it is surely decline to department of state that Edouard Frossard ‘s October 6, 1892 catalog of the Collection of Joseph Hooper, Esq., Part II and Addenda, contained one of the most across-the-board listings of counterstamped big cents to appear in a sale catalogue up to that date. 6
Frossard, born in Switzerland in 1837, came to America in 1858, and by 1872 was a member of the numismatic collect brotherhood. 7 In 1876 he became editor program of the Coin Collector ‘s Journal, published by J.W. Scott Stamp & Coin Co. In 1877 his own house harmonium, Numisma, made its debut and cursorily became a luff of controversy and discussion, as Frossard gave his unstained views of his rival and the contemporary numismatic setting, all of this in a day before libel suits were in vogue. His first auction sale, bearing the go steady of September 6, 1878, inaugurated a series which would finally comprise 175 such events, including 15 conducted by his son after Frossard ‘s death in 1899. Frossard is remembered today as a leading scholar of his era, particularly in the field of United States large cents, and as a competent catalog. By 1892, when the two Hooper sales were conducted, Frossard was among the leaders in the numismatic profession and was widely respected .
His consigner, Joseph Hooper, a outstanding numismatist of his era, lived in Port Hope, Ontario, Canada, and was a frequent subscriber to The Numismatist, his “ Hooper ‘s Restrikes ‘ column attracting especial care. He late served as President of the American Numismatic Association from 1898 until he was succeeded by Dr.Benjamin P. Wright, a outstanding collector of tokens, in 1901. Like many other collectors of his era, Hooper ‘s interests were eclectic .
The title foliate of the auction catalogue in question, Part II of the Hooper Collection sold as Frossard ‘s 113th sale on October 6, 1892, reflected the diverseness of the consigner ‘s numismatic interests and noted that the sale comprised : Coins and medals of Canada, amber, silver and tan coins of ancient Greece and Rome ; silver coins of Brunswick, Venice, and early countries ; foreign bull coins ; English war medals ; tradesmen ‘s penny and halfpenny tokens ; American and foreign medals and tokens ; Bolen’s medallic issues ; United States dollars, cents, one-half cents ; rare colonial coins ; amber coins of Ferdinand and Isabella ; Vernon medals ; numismatic works ; coin cabinets .
The sale of 502 lots, stated to be “ without reserve, ” was conducted by Messrs. George A. Leavitt & Co., auctioneers with premises at 787 and 789 Broadway, New York City City, at 2:00 in the good afternoon of Thursday, October 6, 1892. Lots could be examined by prospective bidders on the sidereal day of the sale from 9 ante meridiem to 1 post meridiem at the Leavitt Art Gallery. It was the custom of the time for a master numismatist, such as Frossard, to prepare the sale catalogue, and for the auction itself to be held by a separate auction drift .
The group of counterstamped cents was described as follows : [ Lot No. ] 416. U.S. CENTS. Old copper issues, 1816-1845 ( the greater partially early dates ), punched or relief counterstamps, as circulated by firms in the States and Canada. The follow is an alphabetic list of names : M.A. Abbey ; Barnes & Potter, New York City, 1835 ; Boston ; A. Bell ; O.P. Bell ; W.H. Bailey ; H.S. Burges ; J. Bruso ; W. Burdt ; N. Boothe ; A. Chapin ; Cast Steel ; J.W. Carr ; A.F. Craig ; C.H. Davis ; D.O. Danforth ; Devins & Bolton, Montreal ; D.E. Downs ; Evans Old Change, London ; E.P. Everett ; G. Gerry, Athol, Mass. ; I.E. Gerrish ; Green ; G.F. Gray ; F. Gibson ; G.J. Guild ; C.N. Gilbert ; Glynn ; J.W. Graham ; F.G. Growel ; C.G. Hayes ; A.C. Hilton ; C. Hall ; H. Kellogg ; A. Kline ; I. King ; E.F. Light ; E. Leach ; J.C. Libby ; A.W. Loomis ; C.O. Longley ; G.A. Learned ; Metr. Coffee Room, Bway, N.Y. ; E.S. Mead ; J.F. McKenny, Gunsmith, Saco ; E.C. March ; Moses ; G.W. Minott ; C. Munson ; Oliver ; A. foliate ; C.C. Paige ; C.W. Payne ; M. Perrin ; James Porter ; J.D. Powell ; Putnam Cast Steel ; P.M. Ring ; J. Russell ; J.H. Root ; G. Starbird ; Stickler ; J.H. Smith ; S. Swart ; A.H. Somers ; A.D. Sweetser ; S W.M. Stuart ; L.L. Squire ; R.E. Taylor ; W. Taylor ; N.J. Tracy ; Tryon ; A.J. Tutle ; H.P. Tyrrel ; Use G.G.G. and G.G.G.G. ; Dr. G.G.Wilkins ; F.D. Warner ; A.D. Webster ; A.N. Wheeler ; Young the Magician ; besides letters, two varieties of eagles, cad, carapace, etc. Unique collection, highly interesting to collectors of american tokens and coins of the jacksonian period. No duplicates, struck on identical fair to fine Cents and two half Cents. 133 pcs .
The fortune of counterstamped pieces realized five cents per coin, for a entire of $ 6.65, a Price reproducible with the evaluation of overlooked cents of the period. In early words, the counterstamping neither added to nor detracted from the measure. In the lapp sale four die varieties of overlooked 1826 cents, Good and identical good grades, fetched five cents each, as did three examples of non-stamped 1837 cents, each identical good .
Frossard was slightly careless in his catalogue, or possibly in the proofread of what he had written, for “ J.F. McKenny ” should have been J.F. McKenney, “ E.C. March ” was in truth E.C. Marsh, “ A.D. Sweetser ” was given rather of the correct A.D. Sweetsir, and A.J. Tuttle was listed incorrectly as “ A.J. Tutle. ” Eighty specific counterstamps were enumerated, plus “ letters ” ( Apparently coins stamped with stray letters ), two varieties of eagles, a hound, a shield, and the enigmatic “ etc. ” Which counterstamps appeared on the two half cents in the bunch was not disclosed .
What happened to the Hooper counterstamps is not known. possibly they were retained as a fortune and remain today in some dusty corner of an attic, or in a safe deposition box, unnoticed and disregarded. Or, more likely, they were dispersed and exist today in disperse collections of persons other than counterstamp specialists. At least a few of the coins have been forgotten, for they were stranger to Duffield, Gould, Hallenbeck, and Brunk, all of whom were obviously unaware of Frossard ‘s catalog listing. For case, Brunk sleep together of the YOUNG / THE / MAGICIAN stamp on an 1841 dime bag, an 1842 one-half dollar, and on Spanish-American silver two-real pieces dated 1774 and 1809, but not on a large penny as owned by Hooper .
Walter B. Gould’s Accumulation
Another early list of counterstamped cents is represented by the May 1914 emergence of Collector ‘s Blue Book, which contained data sent by Walter B. Gould, of Winterport, Maine. The writer stated that he had accumulated two bushels of large cents, and by the time that he wrote to the editor he had found “ between 80 and 100 that have names die-sunk on them. ” 8 The play along stamps were reported on cents dated from 1818 to 1855 : Names : J.A. Allen ; R.B. Arell ; F. Bascom ; Cast Steel ( three examples ) ; J. Collett ; F.J. Damon, Patent ; G. Delano ; Devins & Bolton, Montreal ; J.M. Fardy ; O.J. Fitch ; P. Fonan ; E.L. Fuler ; E.B. Gilman ; T.J. Gorgers ; Griswold & Co. ; J. Haitt ; E.W. Loomis ; E. McNamara ; J.O. Megquire ; J.N. Melon ; New York City ; N. Newton ; Norman, Boston ; B. Parker ( four examples ) ; Patten ; Orren Peavey ; F.J. Philbrook ; H.K. Porter ; C. Rich ; E.E. Robbins ; J. Hoyt Rowland ; V. Royal ; W.J. Scott ; A.B. Seymore ; C.A. Strange ; J.W. Strange ; Frank E. Thompson, Boston ; 23 Steel ; U.S. VII ; Use G.G.G. & G.G.G.G. ; L.N. Watts ; N.B. Webb ; W.C. Webber ; L.S. Whe ; Dr. G.G. Wilkins ; M. Wilson ; and B.H.Woods. ( total : 52 )
Initials ( alphabetically by first inital ) : 9 C.F.C. ; D.C.S. & H.B.B. ; D.N.D. ; E. & R. ; E.B.H. ; E.N.D. ; E.W.R. ; F.W. ; G.C.C. ; H.F.C. & H.P.C. ; I.E.B. & J.F.G. ; J. & G. ; J.B.P. ; J.F.G. ; J.R.B. ; J.W. ; T.J.S. ; S.S.K. & C.N.C. ; T.A.L. ; T.F.F.R. ; U.S.D. ; W.A. ; W.D.J. ; W.H. ; and W.W. ( 25 ) date : 1801 ( 1 ) Grand full : ( 78 )
common to both the Hooper and Gould holdings were these counterstamps : Cast Steel ; Devins & Bolton, Montreal ; Use G.G.G. & G.G.G.G. ; and Dr. G.G. Wilkins. This fits in with logic, for today the most bountiful of all large cent counterstamps are those bearing the Devins & Bolton depression, with Dr. G.G. Wilkins pieces close behind. CAST STEEL is an imprint known to the extent of dozens of impressions .
The disposition of Walter B. Gould ‘s coins is unknown, but unlike the Hooper Collection coins catalogued by Edouard Frossard, the listing of the Gould coins has been incorporated into the write of late researchers .
so army for the liberation of rwanda as I am aware, Maurice M. Gould, co-owner with Frank Washburn of the Copley Coin Co. in Boston, was the only person in the 1950s who made a forte of collecting counterstamped large cents. 10 I engaged in far-ranging correspondence with dealers, collectors, and numismatic societies at the meter, and no one else ever stepped ahead to claim an concern .
Gould was more of a casual than an acute collector, but over a period of 25 years he had accumulated several hundred pieces, most as gifts from dealers and collectors who knew of his interest .
Kenneth Hallenbeck, who like Gould contributed respective articles on the submit to the numismatic weigh, was by the 1960s, and possibly flush before, a collector of such pieces .
Both Gould and Hallenbeck formed collections of several hundred coins or more, and arranged them in rate. In the 1980s Roy Van Ormer collected hundreds of pieces and was credibly the main buyer of counterstamped cents in auctions and mail bid sales during the early on part of that decade. Steve Tanenbaum formed a date collection of large cents and early coins with the DR. G.G. WILKINS imprint. respective collectors, and the museum collection of the Bank of Canada, have formed holdings of counterstamped large cents and other coins bearing the imprint : DEVINS / & / BOLTON / Montreal. canadian principal Warren Baker informed me that the Bank of Canada character collection comprises over 300 pieces attributed to this issuer .
other collectors of counterstamped cents mentioned in the present text, including Hillyer C. Ryder, F.C.C. Boyd, John Jay Ford, Jr., Oscar G. Schilke, Jules Reiver, and John Gilbody, among others, collected counterstamped large cents as a sideline but not as their chief numismatic interest. A major boost in taste for counterstamps occurred in the 1980s when Krause Publications issued Russell Rulau ‘s series of Price guides to early american tokens, and listed counterstamped coins among them. The issue of Brunk ‘s American and canadian Countermarked Coins in 1987 increased sake even further .
respective sketches of particular counterstamped large cents are given below, congressman of the research that beckons to the concern collector ; as will be noted, the G.G.G. and Washington-Lafayette counterstamps are even in the “ to be continued ” class .
The G.G.G. mystery
( A typical patent medicine )
When I began collecting counterstamped large cents in 1955, among the beginning items I acquired were respective pieces counterstamped with the enigmatic motto, USE / G.G.G. / & / G.G.G.G. What all of these Gs stood for was anyone ‘s estimate. The conjecture of Maurice M. Gould was that it was an ad for Goddard ‘s Great Goose Grease, and that the abbreviated counterstamp sometimes seen, USE / G.G.G., represented Goddard ‘s Goose Grease. This controversy was repeated by Russell Rulau in his bible, american Merchants Tokens, 1845-1860 .
Why anyone would want goose grease is a count for debate, but in the nineteenth hundred it was obviously popular, at least in sealed quarters. A dictionary-size hardbacked catalog, McKesson & Robbins ‘ Prices Current, 1883, indeed lists non-branded goose dirt at the wholesale Price of 75 cents per pound. It seems reasonable that person named Goddard might have sold goose dirt fair like McKesson & Robbins did, and beg american citizens to partake of the benefits of the dirt by stamping United States cents with the hypnotism “ USE / G.G.G. ”
Another theory suggested that one of the Gs stood for gonorrhea, and that G.G.G. and its expand cousin, G.G.G.G., were cures for this unfortunate affliction in the days before penicillin .
Although cents dated equally early on as 1798 are known with one or the early of these counterstamps, most cents and other pieces, including silver denominations adenine small as the three-cent coin, are from the 1840s and 1850s, particularly the 1850s, with the latest know coin being a bombastic cent dated 1857. No Flying Eagle and indian cents are known with these impressions. It seems probable to me that the counterstamping of “ USE / G.G.G., ” and “ USE / G.G.G. / & / G.G.G.G. ” inscriptions took place in the ten of the 1850s, until and including 1857, and probably occurred chiefly circa 1854-57 using current american samoa well as earlier-dated coins .
In 1985 when Brunk visited my office in connection with the research he was doing for his record on counterstamps ( he preferred the word countermarks ), among the subjects we discussed was the intend of G.G.G. and G.G.G.G. Neither of us had any new ideas. In 1987 his manuscript was completed, and the impression deadline drew dear. It was anticipated that alphabetically under the “ G ” category in the Brunk book would appear a list for G.G.G. and G.G.G.G., probably with the notation that the meaning of these terms was not known, and that a theory or two had been proposed. As the G.G.G. and G.G.G.G. counterstamps were well known and as about every collector of counterstamps beyond the dabbler stage had one or several pieces, it was indeed unfortunate that the maker could not be identified .
A Partial Solution
Enter Robert Sagers, a California collector of counterstamps, who at the final minute—just before the book went to press—located a wear 1838 cent which provided the answer. The mystery was solved !
When Brunk ‘s reserve, American and canadian Countermarked Coins, appeared in print in 1987, on page 75 this notation was included : G.G.G. GOODWIN ‘S GRAND GREASE JUICE. For one hundred years collectors have argued about what was advertised by the motto USE G.G.G. Maurice Gould advanced the democratic theory that the initials mean “ Goddard ‘s Goose Grease, ” while others have claimed that this is a gonorrhea cure. Robert Sagers has solved the problem, causing us to stop the presses to include his recognition. He has just found a large penny with a longer motto reading USE / GOODWIN ‘S / GRAND / GREASE JUICE / FOR THE HAIR / G.G.G. 11
individually, Mr. Sagers corresponded with me about his determine and sent me a photograph of it .
Time passed, and in October 1989, I received a catalogue from Coin Galleries describing coins to be offered in a chain mail bid sale closing on November 15. Lo and behold ! lot 2983 was described as follows : 2983. GOODWIN ‘S / GRAND / GREASE JUICE / FOR THE HAIR / G.G.G. c/s in five lines on obverse of an 1840 big cent. ( Brunk ‘15395 ‘ ). obviously the irregular known specimen. Stamp arrant, mint very good with wide date. ( The word “ use ” was unwittingly omitted from the catalog description. )
I sent in my offer and won the batch for $ 300 plus 10 % buyer ‘s tip, or $ 330, credibly a populace ‘s record Price for an 1840 penny worn about fluent ! however, the all-important Goodwin ‘s notation was on the grimace of the coin, and this made the deviation. here was the moment sleep together specimen, a assemble slenderly finer than the Sager coin dated 1838 .
The report might have ended here, but it did n’t. At the neologism of the Americas Conference on October 29, 1994, following a presentation related to this present article, there was a question-and-answer period. Dr.George Fuld commented rather casually that G.G.G. coins were listed in Horatio Storer ‘s bible published more than a one-half century ago, Medicina in Nummis. 12 When I returned home, I secured a copy by mail from the American Numismatic Association Library in Colorado Springs. Lo and behold ! Storer identified G.G.G. as his no. 7446, “ Godwin ‘s [ sic ] Grand Grease Juice ( for the hair ), USA. ” ! This goes to show that history, and, much, numismatic research, goes in circles !
Storer cited the appearance of the mark on a boastfully cent dated 1836 and a quarter dollar of 1876. In view of by and by surveys, I can not help but think that the 1876 date was recorded in error, and that a banal quarter of an earlier date was intended. 13
Goodwin ‘s Grand Grease Juice must have been a pomade or oil for the hair, an early-day version of “ greasy child stuff. ” As unappealing as the post name may seem today, in the nineteenth hundred it fit right in with other nostrums. Goodwin’s Grand Grease Juice equated nicely with G.G.G. and solved the riddle, except why were n’t the initials given as G.G.G.J., or was “ juice ” a generic description suggesting that the grease was in juice form ? And what about the associate G.G.G.G. product ; what did the extra G stand for ?
Tracking Down the Maker
then there was the matter of Goodwin. Who was he ? From previous excursions into the field of research for patent medicines I knew that most such potions and lotions were compounded in the northeastern United States. In detail, the country of Massachusetts was a hotbed of action in this respect. Ayer ‘s Sarsaparilla advertised on encase postage stamps. Lydia Pinkham plastered newspapers nationally with advertisements for her cures for female ills. Moxie Nerve Food claimed to heal equitable about every affliction known to mankind. They all hailed from the Bay State .
A shelf in my library is devoted to New England directories of the mid-nineteenth century, and before checking listings for New York City City and other northeastern locations I headed for the New England bookshelf to see what I could find. First in hand was The Boston Directory for the year 1852. In keeping with the era ‘s preference for grandiosity and embellishment, I should mention that the full name of the ledger as given on the deed page is The Boston Directory for the year 1852, Embracing the City Record, a General Directory of the Citizens, and a Business Directory, with an Almanac, from July, 1852, to July, 1853, published in Boston by George Adams, No. 91 Washington Street, 1852 .
Scanning the book, I located on page 107 some 41 different Goodwins who lived in Boston. Benjamin Goodwin, a grocer, lived on Ferry Wharf ; Elisha Goodwin, a broker, did business at 17 Brattle Square and lived in Cambridge, etc. Piquing my sake was one especial entry : “ Goodwin, Geo. C. pharmacist, 97 Union, h. at Lexing. ” here was a Goodwin who was a chemist ( the terminology at the time for an pharmacist or pharmacist ) and who might indeed have sold apparent medicine. closely all pharmacists did. His occupation was located at 97 Union, and he made his dwelling in the Boston suburb of Lexington .
Skipping ahead a few years in time I found that The New England Business Directory for the class 1856, besides published by Adams, listed under “ medicines ” on page 217 the postdate : “ Goodwin, G.C. 99 Union. ” This list was in dependable company with Holman’s Nature ‘s Grand Restorative ( located at 77 Cornhill ), Putnam ‘s Eradicative ( 456 Washington ), Wright ‘s amerind Vegetable Pills ( 43 Hanover ), and early purveyors of cure-alls .
The next Boston Directory in my library was dated 1860 and contained entries as of July 1, 1859. here I had some real luck, for on page 8 was a quarter-page notice reading : Geo. C. Goodwin & Co., Nos. 11 and 12 Marshall St., two doors from Union St. Have on hand, and offer for sale at the very lowest prices, the most extensive neckcloth of Foreign and American PATENT MEDICINE, Perfumery, Hair Preparations, Toilet and Miscellaneous Articles, to be found in New England. Depot for Goodwin ‘s Root and Herb Pills, Dr. Langley ‘s Root and Herb Bitters, Dr. Langley ‘s italian Hair Dye, and General Agency for all Popular Medicines .
hera was George C. Goodwin & Co., seller of patent medicines, who specifically advertised “ hair preparations, ” obviously an excellent campaigner for the source of Goodwin ‘s Grand Grease Juice for the hair. unfortunately, no trade names of Goodwin ‘s hair’s-breadth preparations were mentioned, so I can merely surmise that G.G.G. was among them .
On foliate 171 of the lapp 1860 directory it was stated that George C. Goodwin & Co. was owned by William B. Hibbard, who lived in Charlestown. On page 171 it was stated that Hibbard boarded at 41 Hanover. George C. Goodwin himself was not to be found in the number of citizens. possibly he had relocated to another place in animation or death .
A Business directory of the Subscribers to the New Map of Maine, undated ( ca. 1862 ), 14 contained a one-third page ad which stated that Goodwin, located at 11 Marshall Street, Boston, offered : … the largest and most complete stock of american and foreign patent medicines, haircloth dyes, hair preparations, toilet articles, perfumery, soaps, brushes, rubberize goods, druggists ‘ glassware, cigars, and apothecaries ‘ articles to be found in the New England States, and at the very lowest prices .
Goodwin furnished a fond list of nostrums made by other firms, for which Goodwin acted as a sales exit : Brandreth ‘s Pills, Wright ‘s Pills, Ayer’s Pills, Moffatt ‘s Pills, Herrick ‘s Pills, Langley ‘s Bitters, Richardson ‘s Bitters, Burnett ‘s Cocoaine, Mrs. Winslow’s Soothing Syrup, Marshall ‘s Snuff, Parson ‘s Rat Exterminator, Wood ‘s Hair Restorative, Russia Salve, McLanes Vermifuge and Pills, Ayer ‘s Cherry Pectoral, Ayer ‘s Sarsaparila, Kennedy ‘s Discovery, Brown ‘s Troches, Mustang Liniment, Schenck ‘s Syrup, Peruvian Syrup, Bininger ‘s liquors, Wolfe ‘s Schnapps, Fahnestock ‘s Vermifuge, Lyon ‘s Kathairon, Haynes ‘ Balsam, Wistar ‘s Balsam, and Pin-Worm Syrup. No note was made hera of G.G.G., G.G.G.G., or any early products originated by Goodwin. 15
A separate ad in the like issue by Dr. J.W. Poland & Co., proprietors of The White Pine Compound, named Goodwin as its general distribution agent. 16
The New England Business Directory for 1868 list George C. Goodwin & Co. at 38 Hanover, an entry which was besides seen in directories date 1871, 1875, and 1877 ( I do not possess directories for the intervene years ). The 1875 and 1877 directories noted that the tauten was an agentive role for Colton ‘s choose flavors used for cook .
Looking elsewhere in my library I located a replicate of For Bitters Only, a book by Carlyn Ring, which describes varieties of patent medicine bottles known as bitters, typically consisting of flavoring laced with alcohol, Drake ‘s grove Bitters being a outstanding exemplar. Under the entry for indian Vegetable and Sarsaparilla Bitters it was noted that this elixir was produced by George C. Goodwin & Co. and that the author had located the firm’s advertise notices for years beginning in 1846 and continuing until about 1890. George C. Goodwin, Ring said, had begun his clientele career in 1840 as a grocer, going into the wholesale pharmacist trade wind in the 1850s. As we have seen earlier, by 1860 the firm was owned by William B. Hibbard. During the 1870-90 period the owners were Charles C. Good and F.B. Webster. ( Going back to the 1860 Boston Directory I located a list for F.B. Webster, who worked at 11 Marshall [ the Goodwin address ] and boarded at 41 Hanover, the lapp housing savoir-faire given for William B. Hibbard. )
Boston Directories 1840-60
later, through the forgivingness of Anne Bentley, I spent a day at the Massachusetts Historical Society, where I consulted Boston directories of all years from 1840 through 1860. A year-by-year outline follows :
1840 : George C. Goodwin is affiliated with Byam & Goodwin, a match factory operated with Ezekiel Byam, at Union, recess of Blackstone. His home was at 17 Minot .
1841 : Goodwin is listed as an agent of the north american Patent Friction Match Co., with commercial enterprise premises at Union, corner of Blackstone. Byam is not listed in 1841, but it was not unusual for Boston directories to skip a person ‘s list for year or two, even though he or she had no deepen of address in the interim .
1842 : Goodwin ‘s list is the same as 1841. Ezekiel Byam is listed as the operator of a variety shop at 76 Union .
1843 : Goodwin is listed as an agent of the union american Patent Friction Match Co. at 76 Union. Byam is not listed .
1844 : Goodwin is listed as a seller of drugs and music at 76 Union .
1845 : Goodwin ‘s list is the same as the preceding year .
1846 : Goodwin is listed as a pharmacist at 76 Union. His house is in Charlestown .
1847 : Goodwin is listed as “ pharmacist and friction match storehouse. ” His clientele and residence addresses were unchanged .
1848 : Goodwin is listed as “ medicines. ” Addresses were unchanged. About Byam : an ad was carried for E. Byam ‘s Match Depot at 66 Union Street, “ manufacturer of the american Patent Friction Match Co. ‘s card, freeze, and all kinds of circle Wood and paper box matches. ” The firm besides made Byam & Washington matches. The following year, 1849, Byam advertised matches “ with and without brimstone. ” In 1850 Byam, Bruce & Co. ‘s March Depot was located at 66 Union Street, Boston, with a branch at 37 Light Street, Baltimore .
1849 : Goodwin is not listed .
1850 : Goodwin is listed as a pharmacist ( pharmacist ) at 76 Union, with his home in Charlestown .
1851 : Goodwin ‘s list is the same as the preceding year .
1852 : Goodwin is listed as a pharmacist at 97 Union, with his home in Lexington .
1853 : Goodwin ‘s list is the like as the preceding year .
1854 : Goodwin ‘s list is the like as the preceding year .
1855 : Goodwin is listed as a seller of medicine and fancy goods at 99 Union, with his dwelling in Lexington .
1856 : Goodwin ‘s list is the same as the preceding year .
1857 : George C. Goodwin ‘s business is operated by William B. Hilliard, and is listed as medicines and fancy goods at 11 and 12 Marshall Street, two doors from Union Street. Goodwin ‘s dwelling is listed as Charlestown .
1858 : The Goodwin list is the same as the preceding class .
1859 : The Goodwin number is the same as the preceding year .
1860 : The Goodwin number is the same as the preceding class .
Fearing that fiddling details might get out of pass, I propose to stop giving citations at this steer, and to summarize the position :
1. Two United States one-cent pieces are known to me, one date 1838 and the other 1840, stamped with the inscription “ USE / GOODWIN ‘S / GRAND / GREASE JUICE / FOR THE HAIR / G.G.G. ” In addition, Storer recorded an 1836-dated penny when he did his research for Medicina in Nummis .
2. numerous cents and other coins are known stamp with the inscriptions “ USE / G.G.G. ” and “ USE / G.G.G. / & / G.G.G.G., ” the latest of which is date 1857 .
3. The counterstamping of the “ USE / G.G.G. ” and “ USE / G.G.G. / & / G.G.G.G. ” pieces probably took seat circa 1854-57. The counterstamping of the “ USE / GOODWIN ‘S / GRAND / GREASE JUICE / FOR THE HAIR / G.G.G. ” pieces took invest in 1840 or by and by, credibly antedating the other G.G.G. counterstamps .
4. G.G.G. stands for Goodwin ‘s Grand Grease ( Juice ), a planning for the hair. What G.G.G.G. represents is unknown .
5. Some counterstamps are marked G.G.G. and others are marked G.G.G. & G.G.G.G. however, no counterstamps exist with G.G.G.G. without an accompanying G.G.G. frankincense, it seems that G.G.G. was the earlier of the two preparations, and when G.G.G.G. was formulated at a late date, the two were advertised together. For what it may be worth, more older dates are stamped with merely G.G.G .
6. George C. Goodwin & Co., of Boston, was a seller of hair preparations in the late 1850s, during which time person stamped coins with these inscriptions : “ USE / G.G.G., ” and “ USE / G.G.G. / & / G.G.G.G. ”
7. It seems probable that George C. Goodwin & Co. was the counterstamper .
Counterstamp Census by Brunk
Dr. Gregory Brunk ‘s record, American and canadian Countermarked Coins, lists the following know specimens of counterstamped pieces. 17 many of these pieces are in my solicitation :
USE / G.G.G. :
large cents ( 37 specimens ) : 1798 ( 1 ), 1803 ( 1 ), 1812 ( 2 ), 1817 ( 1 ), 1819 ( 1 ), 1832 ( 1 ), 1834 ( 1 ), 1835 ( 1 ), 1837 ( 1 ), 1838 ( 1 ), 1842 ( 1 ), 1843 ( 1 ), 1846 ( 1 ), 1847 ( 1 ), 1848 ( 7 ), 1850 ( 1 ), 1851 ( 3 ), -BE- 1852 ( 4 ), 1853 ( 3 ), 1854 ( 2 ), 1855 ( 1 ), unknown date ( 1 )
Silver three-cent man ( 1 ) : 1853 ( 1 )
one-half dimes ( 13 ) : 1835 ( 1 ), 1836 ( 1 ), 1837 ( 1 ), 1838 ( 1 ), 1839 ( 1 ), 1843 ( 1 ), 1849 ( 1 ), 1853 ( 3 ), 1854 ( 1 ), 1856 ( 2 )
Dimes ( 28 ) : 1822 ( 1 ), 1832 ( 1 ), 1837 ( 1 ), 1841 ( 3 ), 1842 ( 1 ), 1843 ( 3 ), 1850 ( 1 ), 1853 ( 12 ), 1854 ( 2 ), 1855 ( 2 ), 1856 ( 1 )
quarter dollars ( 6 ) : 1853 ( 2 ), 1854 ( 3 ), 1855 ( 1 )
canadian tokens ( 4 )
entire count of coins surveyed by Brunk : 89
USE / G.G.G. / & / G.G.G.G. :
big cents ( 52 ) : 1798 ( 1 ), 1803 ( 1 ), 1810 ( 1 ), 1814 ( 1 ), 1823 ( 2 ), 1824 ( 1 ), 1826 ( 1 ), 1828 ( 2 ), 1829 ( 2 ), 1837 ( 1 ), 1838 ( 3 ), 1840 ( 1 ), 1841 ( 2 ), 1843 ( 1 ), 1844 ( 1 ), 1845 ( 1 ), 1846 ( 2 ), 1847 ( 2 ), 1848 ( 3 ), 1851 ( 5 ), 1852 ( 3 ), 1853 ( 2 ), 1854 ( 3 ), 1855 ( 4 ), 1856 ( 2 ), 1857 ( 1 ), strange date ( 1 )
Dime ( 1 ) : 1841 ( 1 )
quarter dollars ( 4 ) : 1853 ( 2 ), 1854 ( 2 )
half dollar ( 1 ) : 1854 ( 1 )
Hard Times token ( 1 )
total number of coins surveyed by Brunk : 59
USE / GOODWIN ‘S / GRAND / GREASE JUICE / FOR THE HAIR / G.G.G. :
large cent ( 1 ) : 1838 ( 1 )
total phone number of coins surveyed by Brunk : 1
Grand entire of all Goodwin-related counterstamps surveyed by Brunk : 149
Stone & Ball
( A typical silversmith )
A Syracuse Counterstamper
The jewelry firm of Stone & Ball was founded in Syracuse, New York City in 1853 by two young men, Calvin S. Ball and S.H. Stone, who succeeded the partnership of Norton & Hotchkiss. 18 Stone & Ball lasted until about 1869, after which Ball carried on the trade alone, finally giving up the business in 1903 by selling out to Stetson & Crouse .
During the inaugural class of occupation the entrepreneurs are said to have embarked upon a system of advertise by counterstamping quarter dollars with the inscription : STONE & BALL / SYRACUSE / N.Y .
An article in The Syracuse Herald, June 27, 1897, based upon an interview with Calvin S. Ball, noted that quarter dollars stamped by the firm early have “ come back like the guy ; some have knocked about about 44 years. ”
The text far noted : none but 25-cent pieces were stamped, and the make was all done during the beginning two years of the partnership ; but for 44 years these quarters have been heard from in many unique and unexpected ways. immediately upon the breaking out of the [ Civil ] war most of them disappeared, and it is the opinion of Mr. Ball that they were hidden away down South ; and not until about 1880 did they begin to make their reappearance. 19 He immediately has about $ 10 worth of emboss quarters that have been returned to him by both acquaintances and strangers from all parts of the country. A great many letters are besides received, all of which he answers and supplies whatever information is asked …. Often I meet people in the street who hand me one of our old coins. It is easy for people to find us, as I believe that I am the only merchant, excepting S.I. Ormsbee, who is still carrying on the book and paper business, who has continued in the lapp business in this city during the 44 years without change .
By 1853, when Stone & Ball was founded, the mind of counterstamping coins was not new to at least one of the partners, for a jewelry maker ‘s authentication, C.S. BALL, was used by Calvin S. Ball earlier and is known today on large cents dated 1829, 1837, and 1838, a well as several varieties of canadian tokens. 20
The counterstamps of Stone & Ball, said to have been applied only in the years 1853 and 1853, are of at least three types : ( 1 ) STONE & BALL in a orthogonal authentication punch ; ( 2 ) STONE & BALL in a logo punch ; and ( 3 ) STONE & BALL / SYRACUSE / N.Y. in three lines in a logo punch .
only the latter dash contained the savoir-faire, and it was quarter dollars of this style which were the subject of the 1897 recollections by Ball. He forgot that numerous coins early than quarters had been so commemorate, including big cents, dimes, quarters, one-half dollars, and respective extraneous coins. however, judging from the frequency of specimens seen on the numismatic market today, quarter dollars were dominant allele .
The hallmark-style punch of C.S. BALL and the late authentication punch of STONE & BALL are typical of those used by manufacturing jewelers and silversmiths ; however, modern agency D. Albert Soeffling feels differently : 21 Contrary to the popular literature on silver marks, Stone & Ball were not silversmith. As a general rule, much of the silverware of the nineteenth hundred is stamped with the retailer ‘s bell ringer. This exercise was known as backstamping or storehouse stamp. The drill has caused no end of confusion in identifying the actual manufacturers of nineteenth hundred silver. In terms of silverware, Stone & Ball lone sold it. They were trained jewelers, however, and repaired clocks and watches. The firm had the condense for keeping the school clocks in Syracuse in animate and besides erected the beginning illuminated clock in Syracuse in front of their store .
Lafayette Visits America
( A typical commemorative issue )
In 1824 the Marquis de Lafayette, french bomber of the american Revolution, revisited America and was proclaimed by Congress to be “ the nation ‘s guest. ” numerous printed, medallic, and early tributes were created during the class of his stay in the United States, which extended into the class 1825 .
One of the more matter to numismatic items associated with this event is the Washington-Lafayette counterstamp made from the dies of a 9 millimeter medalet impressed on the obverse and revoke of contemporaneous mobilize coins. The obverse die has the inscription George Washington in a overtone circle surrounding a portrait of Washington face left, while the revoke is inscribe GENERAL LAFAYETTE, with the go steady 1824 below, surrounding a portrayal of Lafayette facing right. Examples of counterstamped cents seen by the author have Washington on the obverse of the host coin and Lafayette on the turn back .
The medalet is known chiefly in silver medal, but at least one white metal mental picture is known. Counterstamps are more plentiful, but hardly numerous. Brunk lists the play along : large cents date 1816, 1817, 1818, 1820, 1822 ( 2 ), 1823, and one of strange date. Dimes date 1820, 1821, and 1822. Half dollar dated 1824. Spanish-American one-real piece, date not stated. Spanish-American two-real piece date 1824 .
The Washington-Lafayette counterstamp is said to have been among the early work of Charles C. Wright, who was quite possibly the most skilled and accomplished of all american engravers of the nineteenth hundred .
soon, the writer is engaged in research on the numismatic aspects of Lafayette ‘s 1824-25 inflict, and the biography of Wright. much information, including a manuscript biography, has been found concerning the latter, but, so far, not a single contemporary citation of counterstamped Washington-Lafayette coins. Hopefully, some future year may see a COAC presentation on Lafayette and engraver Wright, or, possibly even a monograph on the submit .
A Gallery of Counterstamped Cents
( Representative Issues )
From the about endless repertory of counterstamped big cents I have selected a “ gallery ” of pieces illustrating the diversity of imprints made by assorted merchants and other entities .
All illustrations are enlarged. Unless there was a numismatic argue for doing indeed, only the counterstamped side of the coin is shown. All pieces are from the collection of the generator .
1. Whomever he may have been, B.R. ADBUB, who cautiously put his hallmark on the obverse of this 1793 Wreath penny, adding an eagle motif for good measure, was probably not a numismatist ! The style of the authentication indicates that he was probably a worker in cushy metal, a silversmith or pewterer .
2. ALAMO / HOTEL in two freestanding punches on the obverse of an 1848 penny. Location unknown, but probably in the northeastern section of United States, as that is where big cents chiefly circulated, despite the Texas season of the appoint. then army for the liberation of rwanda as is known, such pieces were not used in department of commerce in the Lone Star State .
3. A & O Tel. Co. on the obverse of an 1839 cent. undoubtedly, this represents a telegraph ( not telephone ) party, as in the 1850s, presumably when this piece was marked, telegraphs were a thunder industry. Most probably, research into american english telegraphy would disclose the identity of the firm .
4. The distinguish of P. APPLE, an eagle motif, and Philadelphia identifies this gunsmith. Quite probably, the same punctuate was used on his munitions .
5. AUSTIN ‘S GAS ETNA on the obverse of an 1837 penny. presumably, Etna ( a.k.a. Aetna ) being the name of a celebrated volcano, this referred to some type of gas clarification or heating device. The punch was credibly originally intended to mark such .
6. The hallmark of Baldwin & Jones on a banal Draped Bust cent. This partnership, composed of Jabez L. Baldwin and John B. Jones, was active in Boston in the second ten of the nineteenth century .
7. The mark WALLACE BARNES on the obverse of a well-worn 1798 penny. Barnes was a manufacturer of clocksprings and administration font plates and worked in Bridgeport, Connecticut. Without doubt, the tender was used on his commercial products, although adequate large cents were marked—Brunk has recorded over a twelve different specimens in universe today .
8. This bluff authentication on a 1793 cent reads BAYLEY and is believed to be the mark of Simeon C. Bayley, Philadelphia silversmith who was active agent in the 1790s. alternatively, the partnership of Simeon & Alexander Bayley existed in New York City City in the lapp era .
9. USE / BLACKS / CHOCOLATE / POWDER on the obverse of an 1850 penny. The same imprint is known on canadian cents, one of which is go steady 1876, indicating that the present piece may have been marked in Canada in the 1870s, at which time bombastic cents were ample in that nation ( but had long since disappeared from commerce in the United States ) .
10. An 1833 large penny marked with two hallmarks G. BOYCE and N. YORK, the former being the scratch of Geradus Boyce, who practiced in that city from about 1814 through 1841. The hallmarks were intended to mark flatware and early items .
11. COCHRAN ‘S / MANY / CHAMBERD / NON RECOIL / & / PATENT / RIFLE / SPRINGFIELD / MASS. This interest stamp, on the reverse of an 1820 penny, was made from several individual line punches, cautiously ( more or less ) positioned. As the readiness of this piece want time and care, it was probably made as a keepsake or pouch man, preferably than specifically for ad. John W. Cochran, of New York City City, invented the gunman, which is believed to have been manufactured by C.B. Allen in Springfield ( who operated ca. 1836-41 ) and who manufactured the “ Monitor ” 7-shot revolver, among other items. 22
12. This 1838 cent seems to have been a playground for a counerstamper. Among the different impressions are [ letters missing ] NGE-COFFEE HOUSE ( apparently, Exchange Coffee House ) / Boston / O.T. /D.B.B., and an eagle motif .
13. The impress DERINGER / PHILA in two lines on the obverse of an 1817 cent is the lapp grade used by this celebrated manufacturer of firearms to identify its pistols, one of which was used to assassinate President Abraham Lincoln. The Deringer firm, owned by Henry Deringer, was located on Front Street for many years ; in 1819, the address was 370 North Front Street. The party was active from about 1806 until a few years after Deringer ‘s death in 1868 .
14. While Dr. G.G. Wilkins, Pittsfield, N.H., was the most fecund counterstamper of coins within the United States, in terms of the integral north american continent, honors go to DEVINS & BOLTON, Montreal druggists, who must have marked tens of thousands of pieces in the 1860s. At the time, American large cents were ample north of the border, and many received their imprint. The writer collects them by date sequence .
15a. advertise stamp USE / G.G.G. / & / G.G.G.G. on the obverse of an 1857 cent, the only advertise countermark seen by the writer on a cent of that date. By this time, large cents were an anachronism, and there was short point in stamping them for advertise purposes. While it is known that G.G.G. stands for Goodwin ‘s Grand Grease, a hair preparation, it is not known what the elaborate initials, G.G.G.G. represent .
15b. This Goodwin stamp marked USE / G.G.G. on the obverse of an 1803 penny refers to Goodwin ‘s Grand Grease. This imprint appears not merely on large cents but on numerous other denominations and coin types as well, including canadian tokens .
16. use / GOLD PILE / SALVE / WARRANTED / TO / CURE /J.H.D. nicely imprinted on the revoke of an 1843 cent. The size of the stamp indicates that it may have been made specifically for advertise purposes on cents. On the other hand, this slice is a big curio, and if advertising was the intention, only a few were always made. Another possibility is that the pigeonhole may have been used to imprint metallic element cases containing the product. undoubtedly, J.H.D. was the colonial .
17. The imprint of Wm. GRUMBINE / COACH / MAKER / HANOVER, Pa on the obverse of a penny is from punches credibly used to mark brass fittings on coaches he manufactured. recently the generator learned that he was a clock maker as well .
18. IRA C. HASKINS /TIP TOP / PEN / EN neatly stamped on the obverse of an 1850 penny. This punch may have been used to mark the sword nib of an ink pen. A good possibility for research would be to check the Haskins name in patent records. credibly imprinted in the 1850s .
19. Two identical hallmarks of George C. Howe stamped crisscross manner on the obverse of an 1818 cent. Howe practiced silversmithing in New York City City from the irregular through fourth decades of the nineteenth century .
20. USE / DR. KIDDERS / FAMILY PILLS in a traffic circle on the obverse of an 1847 cent. Brunk, in his american and canadian Countermarked Coins, noted that a Mrs. Kidder of East Boston, Mass. offered vegetable pills and early nostrums in the 1840s. however, whether she was the doctor offering Family Pills is not known. Dr. Kidder was a fecund counterstamper, and over a twelve of his ( or her ) imprints are known today .
21. The imprint in bantam letters of C. W. KING / ARTIST, carefully punched on the cheek of Miss Liberty on an 1819 penny. More than likely, King was a daguerreotypist, as such photographers referred to themselves as artists at the clock time. Too minor to be handily read by the average exploiter of this penny, the punch may have been made to mark a metallic subject enclosing a photograph .
22. boldface imprint of A. KLINGER / JEWELER / ELKHART IND. jewelry maker and watchmaker, on a cent of 1856. One can envision that this round pigeonhole may have been used on determine cases equally well .
23a. J.F. McKENNEY / GUNSMITH on the obverse of an 1845 cent, using two separate punches. McKenney was a well known Maine gunsmith and had facilities in Bath, Biddeford, and Saco, all near the southeast section of the submit. Numerous of his imprints are known in different combinations, credibly made from punches used to imprint his firearms. How interest it would be to acquire a rifle with the same marks !
23b. J.F. McKENNEY / GUNSMITH / SACO on a cent of 1844, using three punches .
24a. MESCHUTT ‘S / METROPOLITAN / COFFEE HOUSE / COFFEE ROOM / 433. Bd. WAY on the obverse of a wear 1828 cent. Meschutt, a fecund counterstamper in his era, constantly selected well-worn coins so that his complex stamp could be imprinted clearly. How interest it would be to learn more about this coffee bean board, which credibly flourished in the 1840s or 1850s .
24b. Another MESCHUTT counter-stamp, this one on the obverse of a Draped Bust penny of the early 1800s, worn closely smooth .
25. R. MUNROE / ARTIST, probably a photographer, stamped the obverse of this penny of the 1830s .
26. An eagle countermark with the note NASHUA, N.H. / PATENT on the obverse of an 1819 cent was credibly made by a munitions manufacturer. The Patent Office records may yield more information .
27. OIL / OF / ICE imprinted on the obverse of an 1848 penny. The specific nature of this product, quite possibly a patent medicine, has eluded the generator, who has dreams of someday finding a little bottle of the stuff, and identifying its godhead. The lapp impress is found on other coins including indian cents .
28. An 1845 penny with the imprint B. PARKER on the obverse. This is one of the few large penny counterstamps which is well documented, as Walter B. Gould, an earlier collector of these, knew Ben Parker, a stencil marker in Bangor, Maine, and noted that he stamped coins with B. PARKER as keepsake for his customers. Today, several hundred cents are known with his imprint, indicating that his master product must have been prodigous .
29. A hog motif with the parole PORK at the center is shown on the obverse of this 1831 penny. The writer has seen this tag on respective different United States cents arsenic well as coins of Canada, some dated arsenic late as the 1870s. The purpose is unknown .
30. H. REES, a Philadelphia blacksmith, was a fecund counterstamper of cents, and must have considered coins to have been an effective ad medium. closely all of his stamps are found punched above the head of Miss Liberty, as shown on this 1831 cent. The lapp punch was credibly used to mark his cultivate iron products .
31. In Waterford, Maine, DR. SHATTUCK offered his Water Cure, which was designed for female patients who stayed in his sanatorium there. Imprints are known in assorted coins ranging from cents through half dollars .
32. The authentication of STONE & BALL on the obverse of an 1852 penny, the scar of Seymour H. Stone and Calvin S. Ball, Syracuse, N.Y., silversmiths of the era. The fast marked many thousands of pieces, by and large one-fourth dollars .
33. WM. THOMSON appears in handwriting on this attractive hallmark carefully affixed to the obverse of an 1819 cent by a long-familiar New York City silversmith who practiced ca. 1810-34 .
34a. One of the great unsolved mysteries in counterstamps is the hallmark of N.J. TRACY, which exists in two forms—curved ( rare ) and straight line ( as shown here on an 1847 penny ). many dozens of specimens are known, indicating a big original production. tracy credibly worked in soft alloy and was a silversmith, pewterer, or Coppersmith, although no directory listings had been located thus far .
34b. Scarce curved shape of the N.J. TRACY authentication on an 1850 penny .
35. The obverse of this 1845 penny bears the impress TREMONT / HOUSE and credibly is from a stamp used to mark metallic products in connection with a hotel of that name, quite possibly tableware or key tags. Tremont House was a democratic name for lodging places, including one in Chicago operated by Gage Bros. & Drake, which advertised on cased postage stamps .
36. One of the most celebrated of all large penny counterstamp varieties is VOTE THE LAND / FREE, here shown on the obverse of an 1841 penny. This was the rallying cry of the Free Soil Party, and is believed to have been used in the presidential election of 1848 ( as no cents are known of dates belated than that ), although the party remained active through the early 1850s. The motto referred to using the vote box to keep land free from slavery .
37. The counterstamps of George Washington ( obverse ) and General Lafayette ( revoke ) seen on an 1822 penny. One of the most celebrated of all American counterstamps, the offspring was struck from belittled dies, believed to have been made by celebrate engraver Charles C. Wright, for a silver medalet. diverse coins were imprinted, most notably cents and half dollars, believed to have been in connection with Lafayette ‘s come back visit to America 1824-25. The date 1824 appears under Lafayette ‘s break .
38. The mark of WHITTENS / GOLDEN SALVE well fits on the obverse of this 1856 penny, indicating that the punch may have been made specifically for advertise in this regard. The colonial of this panacea was C.P. Whitten of Lowell, Massachusetts, ca. 1850-60s. Over the years, Lowell was a germination bed for patent medicines, and such celebrated products as J.C. Ayer ‘s pills and potions, Moxie Nerve Food, and so forth, were produced there .
39. The depression of DR. G.G. WILKINS on the obverse of an 1829 penny. Of all United States counterstampers, Wilkins, a Pittsfield, New Hampshire dentist and entrepreneur, was the most prolific, as evidenced by hundreds of specimens surviving nowadays .
40a. An 1850 cent stamped in four lines, J.G. WILSON / GAS FITTER / 39 CENTRE St / N.Y., and from separate single-line punches. Quite probably, Wilson used these punches to mark pipes and fittings, quite than for advertising, as the use of four different operations to mark a penny, not to overlook keeping track of the orderliness of the punches, would have been besides cumbersome .
40b. Another cent marked by Wilson, this one date 1852 and having J.G. WILSON / GAS FITTER facing in one direction, and 39 CENTRE St / N.Y. in another .
41. This 1852 cent bears the imprint of J. YOUS on the obverse. The late Roy Van Ormer, an enthusiastic collector of counterstamps, found this part, and was overjoyed when he located the demand mark on a plunder made by the lapp man, whom he identified as Joshua Yous of Greencastle, Pennsylvania, manufacturer of Kentuckystyle percussion section rifles who was active from about 1854 to 1861 .
1947, pp. 494-97 .
early american Cents, ( William H. Sheldon, , ( New York City
, 1949 ) .
|3||The survey comprised pieces with surnames, advertising, etc. ; pieces with isolated initials, letters, etc. were not included .|
|4||Another fruitful area for research is the act of dies known to be used on cents of respective years. however, this is fraught with difficulty, as throughout numismatics there are many instances of common dates known to be struck from only a few dies, and rare dates from numerous die pairs .|
“ The Characteristics of north american Advertising Countermarks, ”
, August 1990, p. 124 .
The writer is indebted to Francis D. Campbell
, ANS Librarian, for a imitate of the catalog list .
Frossard ‘s biography is detailed in John Adams,
United States Numismatic Literature
, Vol. 1,
Nineteenth Century Auction
, ( Mission Viejo, CA, 1982 ), pp. 68-69, from which source this information is extracted .
The article is reprinted in my record,
The Strange Career of Dr. Wilkins: A Numismatic
, ( Wolfeboro, NH, 1987 ), pp. 9-12 .
|9||alphabetization by the first initial follows the style used by Gregory C. Brunk et al., but is not legitimate, as if a emboss were to be identified as to issuer, information concerning that issuer would be found under the person ‘s surname, not first gear initial. frankincense, in a conjectural example, if the initials J.Q.P. were found on a cent, and if it were indexed under J, then chances are diminished for cross-referencing it to the actual issuer, John Q. Public. It truly should be listed as “ P., J.Q. ” to facilitate further research .|
In subsequently years Gould and Washburn dissolved the business. Gould moved to California, where he became a big human body and speaker on the coin club and convention circuit. At one time he contributed a column to
. Over a period of years he sold many of his counterstamped large cents to me .
Gregory C. Brunk,
American and Canadian Countermarked Coins
( Rockford, IL, 1987 ), p. 75 .
Horatio R. Storer, M.D. ( copyright by Malcolm Storer ; Boston
, 1931 ) .
|13||Quarters of 1876 have the motto IN GOD WE TRUST on the reverse ( used in the series 1866 and late ) ; it is not known whether Horatio Storer would have checked for this have on a coin worn closely smooth .|
|14||Published by J. Chace, Jr. & Co., et alabama, Portland, ME ; see pp. 318, 331, and one-third foliate ad on p. 338 .|
|15||respective of these cure-alls were besides advertised on encase postage stamps : Ayer ‘s Pills, Burnett ‘s Cocoaine, Ayer ‘s Sarsaparilla, and Brown ‘s ( Bronchial ) Troches .|
|16||“ This great and popular rectify, originated by Dr. Poland in 1855, at Goffstown Center, New Hampshire, was at first designed only for colds, coughs, gruffness, sore throat, and diseases of the throat and lungs by and large, for which complaints it is a certain remedy. But in a few months after it was first advertised, two persons, residing thirteen miles apart, and using it for a cough, discovered that it was a fantastic specific for kidney inflammation …. ”|
Gregory C. Brunk,
American and Canadian Countermarked Coins
( Rockford, IL, 1987 ), pp. 75-76 .
Certain diachronic information about Stone & Ball is taken from an article, “ Quarters Return, ” in
The Syracuse Herald
, June 27, 1897, reprinted in the
, October 1990, pp. 165-66 .
|19||It is now known that silver coins were hoarded by the public begin in the summer of 1862, and coins made of this metallic element did not actively circulate until the government resumed coinage payments in a boastfully way ca. 1876— ” Down South ” had nothing to do with it .|
|20||For the C.S. Ball counterstamps : Brunk, p. 22, Brunk No. 2130 ; for the Stone & Ball counterstamps, Brunk p. 170, Nos. 38520, 38530, and 38540 .|
letter from D. Albert Hoeffling quoted in
, October 1990, p. 165 .
Col. Arcadi Gluckman and L.D. Satterlee,
American Gun Makers
, p. 36 .
A.M. (M.A.) Abrahams and His Tokens
Robert D. Leonard
neologism of the Americas Conference at the American Numismatic Society, New York City
October 29, 1994
© The American Numismatic Society, 1995
The Far West has fascinated Americans since the nation was founded. Following the explorations of Lewis and Clark, fur buyers retraced their route to Oregon. At the same time, traders took manufactured goods into mexican territory to exchange for gold, silver, and horses. former, emigrants used these trails to settle in these territoies. 1
1. independence boasted a fine courthouse in 1855 .
Beginning in the 1840s, migration to the Far West increased substantially. The Santa Fe Trail, opened in 1821, led from Independene, Missouri, to Santa Fe, New Mexico, or—by an extension known as the Old Spanish Trail—to Los Angeles. It saw an addition in traffic from an average of about 150 people a class in 1843 to many thousands in the 1850s. Better known was the Oregon Trail, besides called the California and Oregon Trail. It, besides, began in Independene, Missouri, and terminated in Astoria, Oregon. The California Trail branched off beyond the Rocky Mountains and led to Sacramento. Beginning with a single party migrating to California in May, 1841, over 1,400 people left for Oregon in 1844 and 3,000 more in 1845. With the Gold Rush, over 20,000 people left for California from Missouri in April 1849 alone—and thousands more followed in May. By 1852, it is estimated that 100,000 people had taken the Oregon Trail west .
The outfitting of all these beach wagon trains brought prosperity to Independence ( figure. 1 ), Westport, and early nearby hookup points, such as Weston, Missouri ( libyan islamic fighting group. 2 ). independence and Weston made the most of their function in the Westward movement. As recorded in an 1867 issue, Weston’s “ frontier position renders it a favorable starting-point for the emigrants to California, and so forth, and the huge extent of this emigration, in years past, opened a quick market for cattle, provisions, etc., at excessively high prices. ” 2 Independence is described in the like ledger as “ a booming town … and a place where many of the emigrants to Oregon and California procure their outfit …. The portentous tide of emigration which passed through this place for years, created a demand for horses, provisions, and merchandise, at prices which enriched the farmers and traders of this vicinity. ” 3
2. Weston in 1850, with a population of 5,000, was then the second largest township on the Missouri River after St. Louis .
One entrepreneur who sought his luck in the West was Abraham M. Abrahams. While he was an Ashkenazic Jew, I have not been able to discover whether his family came to America from Germany or England, or the names of his parents ; there are several possible candidates in the census records. In any subject, he was born in Pennsylvania, apparently in 1810. About 1834, he married his first wife, whose mention is unknown. He first appeared in the Philadelphia city directory for 1837, compiled in 1836. At that prison term, in his mid-20s, he was listed as a trader, living at 342 S. 2nd St. A daughter, Eleanor, was born about 1836, and a son, Michael W., about 1838, both in Pennsylvania. In 1840, another son, Morris, was born in the country .
When the Census of 1840 was taken in October ( fig. 3 ), 4 there were nine persons living in the Abrahams family : A. Abrahams ; his wife ; Eleanor ; Michael ; Morris, then a neonate ; two women, aged 15-20, possibly younger sisters or servants ; and two aged people, credibly a grandfather, born about 1765, and grandma, born about 1770. At that time Abrahams resided in the 1st Ward, Southwark, Pennsylvania. ( The suburb of Southwark was incorporated into the city of Philadelphia in 1854. ) He was calm living at the lapp address in 1836, when the Directory for 1840 was compiled, 5 but now his occupation was listed as “ boatman, ” that is, operator of a water taxi across the Delaware to Camden, N.J. The directory for 1841 besides gives this occupation, but the Abrahams family had then moved to 9 Catherine Street, only a few doors from the Delaware River. He was possibly associated with Jacob Larson of 9 german Street, another boatman who is listed two lines below him in the census .
A boatman is one of those extinct occupations that one finds while researching the by. The only information that I have come across is in a adolescent book, The Book of Trades, published in England in 1804, and reprinted many times ; the first american english edition was published in Philadelphia in 1807. The original watermen plied for fares across the Thames, before the bridges were built. The Book of Trades states, “ A boatman requires but little to enable him to begin business, viz. a boat, a pair of oars, and a retentive pole with an iron point and a hook at the lower end, the whole monetary value of which is not more than twenty pounds. sometimes two men belong to one boat ; in early cases, a boat belongs to a unmarried boatman. ” 6
Joseph H. Abrahams, another son, was born in Pennsylvania about 1843. shortly thereafter, his first wife obviously died while only in her late 20s. A class or two late, Abraham Abrahams married Phebe, then about 22 or 23, who was born in England. Around this time he moved to New York City State, where another son, Elias M. Abrahams, was born about 1846 .
soon subsequently, Abraham Abrahams moved again, this time to St. Louis, where he was in the tobacco business for a number of years. In 1853, his sister had a retail dry goods clientele on 8th St. in St. Louis, and he had a buddy be there in November 1854, though I do n’t know whether they preceded him there or not. 7
In St. Louis, Abrahams learned of the huge profits to be made in the mexican trade wind. In 1849, or early in 1850, he moved to Jackson County, Missouri, where he formed a partnership with a Mr. Rosenthal, a companion Jew, to freight goods from independence to Santa Fe, hiring an employee, Mr. Van Epps, to supervise their wagon trains. 8 They were immediately successful : their first note in Louis Tappan ‘s Mercantile Agency, in March 1850, reported “ Jews do a heavy business and presumed wholly estimable for any costs they make. ” At the Census of 1850, taken in August, he was listed as a merchant in Blue Township, Jackson County, Missouri ( figure. 4 ), approach or in Independence. At the fourth dimension of the census there were eight persons in his family : his wife, daughter, all of his sons, a Sarah Levi, 19, who was born in London, and a slave ! Michael, Morris, Joseph, and Elias were all in school. Sarah Levi, possibly a kinswoman of his wife, was probably a handmaid. 9
Another credit report, from January 1851, was besides convinced. On May 8, 1851, his son bought 1/4 gallon of molasses from the shop of Lemuel Shore in Independence for 15 cents, putting it on report, and on January 9, 1852, A.M. Abrahams came in and settled his account for 75 cents ( fig. 5 ). Whether The Peoples Outfitting Store was opened deoxyadenosine monophosphate soon as Abrahams came to Independence and was the name for his freight business, or whether it was a disjoined enterprise, is indecipherable, but it would seem to have been operating before June 5, 1852, as he registered a Deed of Trust on that day for a chattel mortgage for all the goods, wares, merchandize, clothing, etc. in the Store House, separate of Lot No. 51 in the city of Independence. 10 His credit was sufficient for a Mr. Jabez Smith to advance him $ 2,000 on this security. And it is not hard to see why ; Lot No. 51, at the corner of Lexington and Liberty Streets, faced Court House Square in the center of the city ( libyan islamic fighting group. 6 ) .
Abrahams credit reports continued good through February 1853, though the credit reporter, possibly out of anti-semitism, was fishy of Abrahams ‘s worth as a businessman and at one target in 1853, accused him of making false statements. Abrahams was thus able to borrow another $ 4,200, apparently using the like security, according to another Deed of Trust dated May 17, 1853. The lenders were Joshua Hobbs and Elihu C. Rice. 11 He continued to operate his retail and wholesale tobacco business on Chestnut street in St. Louis into 1853, selling to “ his brother, ” according to the credit rating reporter. Another reporter of this period wrote that he did not think that Abrahams could raise more than $ 3,000, but added, “ His character and habits are good. He is a cautious man and rated an honest israelite. ” 12
By fall, however, problems had begun to arise. The November 1853 credit composition said that he was “ cramped for funds. ” Conditions worstened in December ; the reporters wrote that Rosenthal ‘s actions—not described—had left their business “ much disarranged, but entirely condom, ” though it was rumored that they were dissolving their partnership. 13 Nevertheless, on December 16, 1853, Abraham M. Abrahams and Phebe Abrahams, “ his wife, ” sold two residential lots, Lots 11 and 12 in Henry Rubey ‘s Addition, to the City of Independence, located four blocks south of his storehouse ( fig. 7 ) ; when they originally purchased these lots is not known. 14 About this same time, he bought the east half of Lot 17 in nearby Westport, Missouri ( libyan islamic fighting group. 8 ), 15 and may have moved his kin there. On February 8, 1854, it was recorded that the $ 2,000 chattel mortgage of June 5, 1852, was satisfied in wide .
On the same day, a mortgage was recorded on his lot in Westport, showing $ 3,500 owing to Miles W. Buford and Jabez Smith, and a promissory note signed for this sum by A.M. Abrahams. A Deed of Trust recorded February 18, 1854, gave as security system the east half of Lot No. 17 in the township of Westport ; all the goods, wares and merchandise in the Store house on this lot ; and all the goods, wares and merchandise in the Store Room “ now kept and occupied by said Abrahams & Co. in the City of Independnce. ” 16 so by February 18, 1854, he had a second memory in Westport, though he however controlled the Independence storehouse. I am not certain what distinction is to be read into the several deeds that refer to the Independence location as a “ storehouse firm ” until the Westport shop opened, then Westport is called a Store sign of the zodiac and independence a memory Room. It seems improbable that such a prime localization as that on Court House Square would be converted to a mere warehouse ; possibly he no longer lived there, or possibly he equitable occupied less of the building : “ rooms ” rather of the whole “ house. ” On April 28, 1854, he paid off the $ 4,200 loanword of May 17, 1853 .
At this point Abraham M. Abrahams had two stores and no debt except for his Westport mortgage of $ 3,500, plus advances from the local anesthetic merchants. But the tauten of Abrahams and Rosenthal was in a diminished condition : a few days former, on May 1, they took out so far another mortgage and chattel mortgage on his lot in Westport and his lineage of goods in both Westport and Independene, but were able to borrow lone $ 1,140 from a William Rice, at 6 % interest. 17
Through the summer, Abrahams and Rosenthal continued to send a considerable measure of goods to New Mexico and Chihuahua, but said in July that they could not get returns from Mexico and asked for 12 months fourth dimension. Some creditors were bequeath to wait, but others obviously cut them off, and the recognition reporter began to express the intuition that they were planning to cheat. 18 On August 12, Abrahams made a partial derivative payment of $ 2,250 to Buford and Smith on the Westport mortgage .
Conditions worstened in the fall of 1854. In October, it was reported that Abrahams had left Independence for St. Louis aboard the steamboat Polar Star, apparently to pick up a politics gulp with which he would pay all demands. Abrahams and Rosenthal were said to be in debt $ 12,000 and unable to pay, and the local merchants were planning to attach their 80 mules if not satisfied. Abrahams and Rosenthal then threatened to make assignments to prefer other creditors over those in Independence if sued, and this—coupled with continue promises to pay—stopped this carry through. 19 But when Abrahams ‘s mortgage on his fortune in Westport fell ascribable amateur, Buford and Smith foreclosed for the balance on November 2. On Saturday, November 25, 1854, the east half of Lot 17 in Westport was sold at auction for cash at the east movement door of the Court House in Independence to a Louis Vogel, for $ 1,670. 20
This transaction cancelled Abrahams ‘s notice : of the $ 3,500 borrowed, he had paid $ 2,250 and Vogel $ 1,670, for a total of $ 3,920—more than adequate to cover the pastime and expenses of sale. He may evening have received some money back. But he was decidedly out of business in Westport by November 25, 1854. naturally, Abrahams and Rosenthal had no credit by this point, though both had returned to Independence and still promised to make good on all debts. But to avoid attachment of the mules, Abrahams and Rosenthal drove them 150 miles into Howard County, Missouri, merely to be caught in escape. however, Abrahams had signed the herd over to his buddy in St. Louis, thwarting his creditors, and exchangeable steps had been taken to shield their holdings in Santa Fe. By now the independence occupation community had decided that both men were running “ a big victimize operation. ” 21
On December 1, 1854, the firm of Abrahams and Rosenthal was dissolved. While they continued to promise that they would make satisfactory village of all debts, the local credit reporter wrote “ It appears discernible that a fraud is about to be imposed on creditors here. ” Their great debts were variously reported in November and December at from $ 2,000 to $ 20,000. There were rumors that Abrahams had received $ 12,000 in September and $ 2,000 more in October—which he denied. Both Abrahams and Rosenthal moved to St. Louis in December 1854. The last credit report on them, for January 1855, is compendious : “ Broke up ; run off ; put out and gone, leaving fiddling but some large debts and repute of ill-famed scoundrels as we unhesitatingly endorse it. ” The reporter added that Abrahams had told creditors in Philadelphia that the mule transaction was a “ fake. ” 22
Did Abrahams and Rosenthal in truth set out to defraud their creditors from the originate ? It seems improbable. surely their businesses failed, possibly due to poor management on Rosenthal ‘s part. Their independence creditors wavered between misgiving based on bigotry and speculation based on greed, letting the latter get the upper hand as they continued to extend citation to a troubled operation. And Abraham M. Abrahams showed his own craft as he tried to salvage something from his bankruptcy. But it is improbable that a 42-year-old man with a repute for dear character and honesty would turn into a pitiless swindler within 18 months .
Abraham Abrahams is not found in the St. Louis City Directory for 1854-55. He may have operated The Peoples Outfitting Store in Weston from late 1854 through belated 1855 or even into 1856, though there is no record of him in Weston. More probable, though, he remained in St. Louis, for he was listed as a merchant in the St. Louis City Directory for 1857 ; two years late, Abraham Abrahams was shown as a committee merchant and trader, with son Morris, 20, working for him as a clerk and son Michael, 18, boarding at the lapp hotel as Michael .
between 1858 and July, 1860, when the census was taken, the Abrahams class had taken up still another occupation : Abraham, Joseph and Elias were all listed as pawnbrokers. He was then living at C.A. Dallam ‘s board house, and obviously the census taker obtained his information from the early boarders, since his surname and place of parturition are incorrect, as are the ages of Joseph and Elias, whose plaza of birth is shown merely as U.S. His wife was listed as being born in England, but her list was given as Mary, not Phebe, and she was shown as being 10 years older than she actually was. Because of the other inaccurate information, I am reluctant to consider this attest for a third wife .
While he was omitted from the Business Directory for 1863, his son Michael was listed, and even took out a quarter page ad ( fig. 9 ). Abrahams returned to the Directory the adjacent two years as a clerk, though his sons were all pawnbrokers ( except for Elias, 17, who was a scholar at Jones Commercial College ). A Benjamin Abrahams, probably a nephew, was in partnership with his son Joseph. By 1865, he appeared as a broker, with other members of the kin listed as pawnbrokers or brokers .
Fortune seemed to smile on him once again, for the Directory for 1867 carried a list for A.M. Abrahams of Abrahams & Co., a partnership with E. Edwin Abrahams, probably another nephew, to operate the Eagle Loan Office. He and E. Edwin boarded at the Everett House ( fig. 10 ), which in 1867 was one of the eight finest hotels in St. Louis. In 1867, the Directory for 1868 listed him with no occupation—an indication that he retired at old age 56 or 57. He continued to display panel at the Everett House, however. Abrahams & Co. was not listed, though three other members of the family continued as pawnbrokers. The directory for 1869 omitted Abraham Abrahams and all the stay of his family save Benjamin Abrahams, inactive in business as a pawnbroker at his erstwhile address. none of the Abraham Abrahams family remained in the St. Louis City Directory for 1870 .
But the narrative does n’t quite end there, because “ Abrahan Abrahms, ” white, born in Pennsylvania, 61, was living in the fifth ward, 10th subdivision, of the City of St. Louis when the Census of 1870 was taken. Retired for certain at the long time of 60—he would have been 61 on his next birthday—he had finally become independently affluent in the West. No trace has been located of him after that .
A.M. Abrahams is remembered nowadays for the brass tokens he issued for his outfitting stores. There are two varieties, for The Peoples Outfitting Store in Independence or Weston .
The Independence kind was the first to be published, in Charles I. Bushnell ‘s 1858 work on tokens ( fig. 11 ). 23 Though published in New York City in 1858, Bushnell states in the ad that it had been ready for the compress for “ more than two years, ” 24 though additions had been made to it from time to time. The Abrahams nominal was probably not one of these additions, as it is illustrated on plate 2. Bushnell, consequently, probably had this Independence keepsake in his solicitation deoxyadenosine monophosphate early as 1856 .
The second Abrahams token, marked Weston, was besides listed in the Catalogue of American Store Cards prepared by a committee of the Numismatic Society of Philadelphia and published by Edward Cogan in 1859. The Abrahams tokens are the first two items listed. Dr. Mark W. Collet, a outstanding extremity of the committee, owned a Weston token obviously a early as this. In any case, James Ross Snowden had collected one for the U.S. Mint Collection in 1859 or 1860, exhibiting it on Washington ‘s birthday, 1860. 25 When first known, both Abrahams tokens were considered capital rarities and identical desirable, because of the broke of Washington on the obverse. W.C. Prime, in 1861, lists both pieces at the astonishing price of $ 1.50 each —more than for a half dollar of 1794 or 1795. 26
12. ANS ( W.12 ) .
Both tokens partake the lapp general character ( figure. 12 ). The obverse has a bust of Washington right, with “ M.A. ABRAHAMS ” above and “ 10 ” below, and three six-pointed stars on either side. There is a frame of denticles. This die is used with both reverses. According to Ben Fauver, the portrayal of Washington was selected because of his non-partisan attract in a time of heated political debate. While well executed, the portrayal has been described as “ by no means a flattering one of the Father of His area. ” 27 The reverse has “ THE PEOPLES OUTFITTING STORE ” and a unmarried five-pointed ace around the location, in two lines. As on the obverse, there is a bound of denticles. The edge is reeded .
Though this is the general character, there is a surprising variation among person specimens. many apparently about uncirculated pieces are decrepit fall upon and have a flat hit on the hair’s-breadth. All, or virtually all, of the Weston tokens have some academic degree of die deterioration on the invert denticles, including austere fail breaks extending to the rim and the denticles over “ STORE ” looking more like pellets than denticles. The obverse focus on is odd, with many specimens off-center toward the crown. Planchet cracks are common, and laminations are known. There is an amazing variation in weight from specimen to specimen of more than a gram, from a moo of 8.32 guanine to a high of 9.50 thousand for high grade pieces, and a wear exemplar is arsenic ignite as 8.09 g. apparently the mint was not able to control very well the thickness of the brass strip from which the planchets were cut .
flush the diameter varies slenderly. This is because, as John Ford kindly pointed out to me, the Abrahams tokens are not struck in a close collar ! The reeding was somehow applied to the blanks first—by broach, I think—and they were allowed to expand after striking, alternatively of the manner used universally today of reeding the edge of a coin or token, by striking it in a groove collar. The evidence of this strange mint method may be seen in an episodic bifurcated letter, where the alloy was allowed to expand outward, and in the radial flow lines from the denticles .
It is clear that the Abrahams tokens were not made by the leading nineteenth-century godhead of merchant tokens, The Scovill Manufacturing Company. They are not of the common Scovill work, are not mentioned in the Scovill symmetry, and were not included in the restrikes of Scovill tokens made about 1858-59. Since the head of Washington is not used on any other token, the prolific New York City and Philadelphia manufacturers can credibly be excluded besides. Because of Abraham ‘s english wife and servant, I thought that they were possibly struck in London or Birmingham. however, I showed a objet d’art to Tim Miller of Baldwin ‘s, who was the editor program of R.N.P. Hawkins ‘s authoritative book on makers of british nineteenth-century metallic tokens and checks, and he assured me that they were not of London or Birmingham die work .
Michael Pfefferkorn has suggested that they were made in St. Louis, and that there were several die sinkers there at that time able of such work. Abrahams ‘s several occupation and family connections there make this very likely. Wherever the mint was located, though, it must have been barely starting out with token production, since it had however to master the niceties of strip roll, die season, and edge reeding .
Why were these tokens issued ? There are two possible explanations — as a metal memory calling card or as a deal nominal. During the 1850s, so many store wag tokens imitated the purpose of current U.S. gold coins, chiefly $ 10 gold pieces, for use as game counters or poker chips, that Michael Pfefferkorn has written of this era as the Spiel Marke Period. The Abrahams tokens are struck in brass, are the same size as a $ 10 gold musical composition, and are even marked with a “ 10 ” on the obverse. however, they lack both the Liberty drumhead and eagle .
If they are deal tokens, the “ 10 ” must stand for 10 cents. Though there is no precedent for this, half dime bag tokens of german flatware were issued by Nicholson ‘s Grocery of St. Louis about this fourth dimension. surely there was a dearth of little change along the frontier : William Paxton’s Annals of Platte County, Mo. notes, under June 20,1852, “ The little mint has all left the country and ‘shin-plasters ‘ are issued by merchants, cashable when $ 5 is presented. ” 28 While 10 cents seems like a minor union compared to the monetary value of an outfit to travel to Oregon, Abrahams may have needed tokens to pay the local farmers for meal, etc. just as twentieth-century general store proprietors did, as Mike Pfefferkorn has suggested to me, or just to make change for purchases by his house physician trade. Another possible trade token use is as a metallic element coupon, to be distributed in St. Louis to induce emigrants to call on The Peoples Outfitting Store in club to receive their rebate .
While we can entirely speculate, my preference is for the mint dearth trade keepsake explanation. Though some Abrahams tokens seem to have sliding wear that we might associate with game counter habit, they are not known with the heavy wear often seen on such pieces. The design does n’t look much like a gold mint, and they do n’t seem to turn up in groups, as we might expect for counters. If they were passed out in St. Louis, there ought to be more independence tokens than there are, and they should be found there ; rather, examples with definite find locations have come from the Independence area .
One of these, no. 1.9 in the append corpus of Independence tokens, was hoed up about 10 years ago on property primitively owned by Jackson County pioneer Dr. Lyddall W. Twyman, who lived near the line up smudge at the identical time Abraham Abrahams kept his storehouse in Independence. This location is west of Independence, close to where the Santa Fe Trail passed on its manner to the Missouri River. From the 1850-era dime, large penny, and early glass besides found in the vicinity, the finder, Don Parish, thought that a storehouse may have stood on this site in the 1850s. 29 This find is surely more implicative of currentness than spiel marke use. The keepsake is in preferably inadequate condition, and was not improved by being cleaned with a wire brush !
Another local find is no. W.60 in the append Weston corpus, a bad condition man “ found in some debris ” and donated to the Weston Historical Museum in 1978, by a non-collecting couple from Kansas City, Kansas. unfortunately, they are nobelium long at the same address they were in 1978, and have not been located so that more details can be learned .
While the principal of Abrahams tokens of Independence and Weston is identical incomplete, specially for the Weston tokens, it at least allows us to establish a minimum number of survivors. For Independence, there are at least 10 and credibly 11 different specimens among the 18 appearances shown ; of class, there are credibly more in being than this. This will necessitate a revision of Bruce Smith ‘s appraisal of from 5 to 8 survivors. John Ford wrote me that he estimates the rarity to be high R6 to Low R7, on the Sheldon scale, or about 10 to 20 pieces. This seems to me to be about right .
The Weston token is credibly besides common to be counted accurately by a census such as this, as many are held in smaller collections which are generally missed. Incomplete as it is, the corpus however contains at least 41 and credibly 44 different pieces out of about 100 appearances mentioned. once again, Bruce Smiths estimate of 50-75 pieces in universe seems low, though I can not prove that more than 75 specimens exist. however, other specialists have provided me with much higher numbers : Steve Tanenbaum, over 100 ; George Fuld, 150 or more ; and John Ford, Rarity 3 “ at best ” on the Sheldon scale, or 201 to 500 ! My own guess, subject to revision, is about 100 to 150, or about three to four times the minimum number known. I think that the higher estimates are due to these tokens tending to concentrate in the hands of a few specialists, and frankincense seeming to be commoner than they in truth are. In fact, they are quite scarce compared to other tokens of the period .
Can we estimate the original mintage with any degree of confidence from these figures ? Assuming that the Independence nominal was issued first gear, a feature proportion of 2 % would give an original mintage of 500 to 1,000 if 10 to 20 pieces exist. This would equal a boldness prize of $ 50 to $ 100 if the tokens were intended as dimes, which seems reasonable to me. We are credibly improbable to get any closer than this, though I favor $ 50 expression as a more fair sum .
But if even 500 pieces were minted, you may well ask, where are the other 480 to 490 ? I suspect that A.M. Abrahams destroyed them himself when he relocated his memory, sending those on handwriting back to the mint to be recoined with his new address. This would explain the total absence of high degree pieces. The Weston pieces, on the other hand, are by and large leftovers, with very few wear pieces, since the second shop was open such a inadequate time. The original mintage was credibly about the same, say 500 .
When I started this project I thought that the high class pieces might be restrikes of the 1860s, as the price of Weston tokens fell from $ 1.50 in 1861 to 12 cents in 1884. however, as a result of studying the degree of die deterioration for specimens of diverse conditions, it appears that at least one well-used patch is from a more devolve die than another piece in about uncirculated condition. So I now think that all Abrahams tokens are original strikes of the 1850s, and that the uncirculated/about uncirculated pieces are simply remainders .
There is one other mystery that is not yet cleared up, however : the date of offspring of the Weston tokens. As stated earlier, there is no criminal record of Abraham M. Abrahams ever being in Weston. This is all the more surprising, since Paxton ‘s Annals of Platte County lists all the occupation men at Weston class by year from the 1840s through the 1860s, however Abrahams is never mentioned at all .
We know that all the Abrahams tokens have a die doughnut ‘s error on the obverse : his initials are given as “ M.A. ” alternatively of the right “ A.M. ” obviously the die sinker was besides a founder at the token business, for after cautiously laying out the name “ ABRAHAMS ” in the chastise letter club over the question of Washington, he next punched in the initials “ A.M. ” so that they looked correct on the die. unfortunately, he forgot that this reversed them on the actual token !
Could he have made an even more crying error on the second reverse die ? We know that Abrahams had a store in Westport, Missouri, during most of 1854. Westport is the closest town to Independence, while Weston is a considerable distance farther up the river, though it was much more celebrated at this time. Suppose that Abrahams never was in Weston, as seems likely, but when he ordered the tokens for his memory in Westport he did so orally, and the die sinker—who possibly had never heard of Westport—thought he said Weston ? Or possibly the die sinker plainly neglected to make a memo of the club, and good assumed that Weston must have been the West- town think of .
Bizarre as this sounds, there are a number of similar die doughnut ‘s blunders in the Civil War token series of about 10 years late. And the alone Weston keepsake with a record of being found in Missouri know to me came from the Kansas City area, adjacent to Westport ( which has now been swallowed up by Kansas City, Missouri ) but quite far from Weston. If this theory is correct, then, the “ Weston ” tokens were actually issued in Westport, Missouri, between late 1853 and November 1854 .
all the Abrahams families in the I have had so much help in preparing this paper that my efforts amount about to a deduction of the workplace of others quite than an original study. First, anything said about the Abrahams tokens necessarily builds on the research of Bruce Smith, who first examined the Census of 1850 criminal record for Abrahams in detail. Of big value has been the research of local historian Ray Maier of Sibley, MO, who liberally shared his findings with me, sent check copies of the original documentation, provided data on the Santa Fe Trail Association 1993 symposium, and answered my motion. Mike Pfefferkorn of St. Louis made a particular travel to the St. Louis Public Library to check the St. Louis city directories and census records for 1860 to 1890, providing copies of the originals in many cases. Steve Tanenbaum looked upthe Abrahams families in the Philadelphia
directories in his library for the time when Abrahams is presumed to have lived there. Joe Levine checked the Philadelphia
directories that he has on microfiche from 1837 through 1847, and provided data on auction sales of Abrahams tokens. Richard Doty checked the St. Louis city directory for 1847 and 1848 for Abrahams listings. Pat O’Brien ‘s research on Louis Tappan ‘s credit reports, as presented in his paper, “ jewish Traders on the Santa Fe Trail, ” at the Santa Fe Trail Association symposium, September 25, 1993, proved highly valuable in interpreting Abrahams ‘s activities in Independence and St. Louis. Mrs. Etta M. Brill, curator of the Weston Historical Museum, provided quotations from early historical records, photograph, and information on the tokens in their collection. Mark Goldberg allowed me to consult the Superior Stamp & Coin/A-Mark library. Paul Bosco advised me of the sale of an Abrahams keepsake in one of his auctions. And a act of museum curators, collectors, and dealers in merchant tokens have liberally shared data on their holdings, going so far as to weigh their Abrahams tokens for me. Whenever possible, I verified the sources cited, and all conclusions presented are my own .
Prairie and Rocky Mountain Adventures, and a View of Our Western Empire
( 1867 ), p. 496 .
( above, n. 2 ), pp. 495-96 .
|4||U.S. Census of 1840, Pennsylvania, 1st Ward, Southwark, Co. of Philadelphia , p. 28.|
The Census of 1840 lists an A. Abrahams, an Abraham Abrahams and an Abraham Abrahams Jr. in Philadelphia
County, in addition to five other Abrahams families with different first names, throughout the state. From reviewing the census records for each of these families, only A. Abrahams of Philadelphia
County had children matching in long time those of A.M. Abrahams of Jackson County, MO, ten years later. To confirm the identity of the A. Abrahams of the census with the A. Abrahams of the city directories, the addresses of those listed before and after him in the census were checked : A.B. Godshall, 340 S. 2nd ( 1841 directory ) ; Abraham Abrahams, 342 S. 2nd ( 1840 directory ) ; and Chas. B. Abernethy, NW 2nd & German ( 1841 directory ) .
little Book of early american Crafts and Trades ( The Book of Trades, or Library of the Useful Arts ( Peter Stockham, ed.,
New York City, 1976 ) ; witness besides,
Philadelphia and Richmond, 1807 ), pp. 14-15 .
|7||As reported in assorted citation reports of Louis Tappan ‘s Mercantile Agency, presented by Pat O’Brien in “ jewish Traders on the Santa Fe Trail ”, SFTA Symposium, September 25, 1993 .|
|8||O’Brien ( above, n. 7 ) .|
|9||U.S. Census of 1850, Missouri, Jackson Co., p. 271 .|
|10||Jackson Co., Missouri, June 5, 1852, Registry of Deeds, Book T, pp. 800-801 .|
|11||replicate of Deed of Trust, Jackson Co., Missouri, May 17, 1853, Registry of Deeds, Book U, p. 76 .|
|12||O’Brien ( above, n. 8 ) .|
|13||O’Brien ( above, n. 8 ) .|
|14||copy of Quit-Claim Deed, Jackson, Missouri, December 16, 1853, Registry of Deeds, Book V, pp. 119-20 .|
|15||copy of Deed of Trust, Jackson Co., Missouri, February 18, 1854, Registry of Deeds, Book V., pp. 238-39 .|
|16||See above, n. 15 .|
|17||transcript of Deed of Trust, Jackson Co., Missouri, May 1, 1854, Registry of Deeds, Book V, pp. 422-23 .|
|18||O’Brien ( above, n. 8 ) .|
|19||O’Brien ( above, n. 8 ) .|
|20||imitate of Notice of Trustees Sale of Real Estate, Jackson Co., Missouri, November 25, 1854, Registry of Deeds, Book W, pp. 253-55 .|
|21||O’Brien ( above, n. 8 ) .|
|22||O’Brien ( above, n. 8 ) .|
An agreement of Tradesmen ‘s Cards, Political Tokens, besides Election Medals, Medalets, & c. current in the United States of America for the last Sixty Years Charles I. Bushnell,
New York City, 1858 ), p. 69, pl. 2 .
|24||Bushnell ( above, n. 23 ), p. [ 5 ] .|
A description of the Medals of Washington ; of National and Miscellaneous Medals ; and of early Objects of Interest in the Museum of the Mint ( James Ross Snowden,
Philadelphia, 1861 ), p. 51, no. 111 .
Coins, Medals, and Seals, Ancient and Modern ( W.C. Prime,
New York City, 1861 ), p. 248 .
“ An Old Missouri Store Card ” ( citing
Bankers’ Home Magazine), The Numismatist
1912, p. 8 .
William M. Paxton,
Annals of Platte County, Missouri
from its Exploration
, repr. erectile dysfunction. ( Cape Girandean, MO, 1960 ) .
Jackson County (Missouri) Historical Society Journal
, spring 1992, p. 4 ; conversation with Ray Maier Sept. 24, 1994 .
Corpus of M.A. Abrahams Tokens
( Miller 40, Baker 507 ) a
|1.1||John J. Ford, Jr.||1995-1979 or 1980, ex Presidential Coin and Antique Co.||VF++. [Most Independence tokens “seen (a few at best) were either worn, beat-up or corroded!”]|
|1.2||Eric P. Newman||1995-Oct. 10, 1952, ex Stack’s, lot 902; ex Thomas L. Elder 81 (July 8,1913[?]); ex William S. Appleton ( AJN 1873, p. 3, 97) [d. 1903]; ex W. Elliot Woodward,
May 17, 1864, lot 2510; ex John F. McCoy
|VF+. Obv. centered. Two small planchet defects on rev. Die axis 6:00. 9.15 g|
|1.3||Bangs & Co. (W. Elliot Woodward)||May 26, 1884; ex J.N.T. Levick, lot 2130||VF|
|1.4||Bowers and Merena||Nov. 6, 1989, lot 3284; ex Lionel L. Rudduck(?) estate, before 1955-89||VF. “Bright yellow green, with darker toning in places. Softly struck at the base of the reverse.”|
|1.5||Coin Galleries||July 18, 1995, lot 237; ex Presidential Coin and Antique Co., Dec. 3, 1988, lot 76; ex Paul Magriel (or
|VF. Small planchet crack from truncation of bust, at 7:00, to rim. “Later obverse state, die cracked through base of denomination
numerals.” Dark brown fields, lighter brassy green-gold high points
|1.6||Bangs & Co. (W. Elliot Woodward)||Apr. 30, 1886, lot 401; ex J.M. Tilton||VF. Silvered (per J.J. Ford, “Tilton silver plated many of his tokens!” )|
|1.7||Chapman Bros.||June 20, 1882, lot 1492; ex Bushnell (d. 1880), in Bushnell coll. before June 3,
1858 (as early as 1856 or earlier?)
|1.8||Bruce W. Smith||1994-1984 or before; ex Rossa and Tanenbaum stock, probably at IKO-TAMS show (R & T inv. 22465)||F-VF. Discolored, apparently dug. Flan crack through middle right star to Washington’s chin on obv.,
between N and G of OUTFITTING on rev.; MO barely visable
|1.9||Jackson County Hist. Soc. Archives, Independence, MO||1995-1992, on loan from Don Parish, who hoed it up in his garden ca. 1984; original property sold by John
Coward to Frances C. Twyman, wife of Dr. Lydall
W. Twyman, Jan. 26, 1852—sold by them Oct. 5, 1855
|F. Dug, deep flan crack, porous (cleaned with wire brush). U.S. 1850-era dime, large cent (and other coins?) and early glass also found in vicinity—site of a store?|
|1.10||Ex George Fuld||?; ex Virgil M. Brand estate ca. 1954; ex NNC, collected 1889-1926||F. Weak strike on rev.|
|1.11||Bowers and Merena||Nov. 12, 1990, lot 4375; ex Michael B. Zeddies (collected ca. 1953-89)||F. Darkly toned on both sides. Planchet cracked at 4:00 on the obv.|
|1.12||Stack’s||Oct. 17,1989, lot 463; ex Gilbert Steinberg||F. Some edge bruises, some odd three cornered dents|
|1.13||Elmer A. Piercy||Apr. 20,1972 (no lot no., listed as Baker 507); ex Elmer A. Piercy coll.||G-F|
|1.14||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||June 1994|
|1.15||Donald M. Miller||1995-ca. 1950; probably ex Paul E. Sikes (sp?) of Glen Rock, PA, 1944; ex Tom Gordon; ex estate in Philadelphia bank; ex Dr. Mark
W. Collette (killed at Battle of Chancellorsville, May 1863), in Collette coll. 1859? (Numismatic Soc. of
Philadelphia/Edward Cogan, catalogue of american english Store Cards, n.d. , 1)
|1.16||Pennsylvania Hist. Soc. (?)||Ex W.S. Baker (fl. 1884)|
|1.17||Bangs, Merwin||Jan. 19, 1863; ex Benjamin Haines, lot 946 (probably Miller 41)||VF|
|1.18||David E. Schenkman stock||Sold “only one or two” ca. 1970-91|
|a||Lacking in ANS and ANA collections as of July 1995 .|
“ Weston ” ( Westport ? ), MO
( Miller 41, Baker 506 ) boron
|W.1||Eric P. Newman||1995-1944 or earlier||“Unc. Gem.” Obv. centered; some rev. denticles broken to rim. Die axis 6:00. 9.34 g|
|W.2||Presidential Coin & Antique stock||July 28, 1994; ex Presidential Coin & Antique Co., June 1994||Brilliant Unc. Rev. denticles heavily cracked to rim|
|W.3||Bowers and Merena/Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||Apr. 12, 1986, lot 4649; ex Julian Lcidman||“Choice Uncirculated”|
|W.4||C & D Gale FPL||Feb. 8, 1985||“MS-65, lightly toned, nice”|
|W.5||Eric P. Newman||1995-1974 or earlier (“owned a long time”)||“Unc.” Obv. off center to top (10:00). Die axis 6:00. 8.32 g|
|W.6||Paul Koppenhaver||June 4, 1977, lot 291||Unc. Few spots|
|W.7||Bowers and Merena||Nov. 12, 1990, lot 4382; ex Michael B. Zeddies (collected ca. 1953-89)||Unc. Obv. centered. Partially detached planchet lamination at “BR” of obv.; flan crack to nose. “Deep green-yellow brassy
|W.8||Jack Collins||Ex Paul Bosco 1, Apr. 2, 1989, lot 130||Mostly Brilliant Unc; little spot on “A”|
|W.9||Stack’s||May 6, 1992, lot 157; ex Gilbert Steinberg||“Choice” Unc. Tiny spot behind Washington’s hair. Small flan pit under N|
|W.10||ANS||1995-1965 (1965.212); purchased from Stack’s (part of a lot of 18 pieces of Washingtonia)||“AU58,” sharply struck. Carbon spots, horizontal nick on Washington’s cheek. Obv. centered. Rev. denticles
broken to rim. Die axis 6:00. 9.502 g
|W. 11||Eric P. Newman||1995-||AU. Obv. centered. Die axis 6:00. 9.20 g|
|W.12||ANS||1995-Jan. 15, 1891, gift of Daniel Parrish, Jr. (a collector of Washington exonumia)||“AU58,” mottled surface. Weakly struck. Obv. centered. Rev. denticles broken to rim. Die axis 6:00. 9.116 g|
|W.13||Robert D. Leonard||1995-1977; ex Neil Sowards 1977; ex David Henkle; ex Marty Green; ex Henkle 1976-ca. 1959; ex Ben Odesser; ex ? ca. 1958-59||AU. Spots; rev. denticles cracked to rim. Obv. off-center to top (10:00). Die axis 6:00. 8.60 g|
|W.14||Bowers and Merena||Jan. 28, 1988, lot 3255— “primarily from the Virgil Brand coll.”||“Choice AU…some original luster.” Obv. off-center to top. Flaws on rev. denticles|
|W.15||Coin Galleries||July 18, 1995, lot 236; ex Bowers and Merena, Jan 28, 1988, lot 3256—”primarily from the Virgil Brand
|“Choice AU…surfaces as struck with traces of luster.” Slight rim crudeness. Flaws on rev. denticles|
|W.16||Bruce W. Smith||1994-ca. 1975-79; ex a coin or token show||AU. Some gouges on rev. (half of M in MO obliterated. Obv. centered. Rev. denticles broken to rim. Die axis 6:00. 9.03 g|
|W.17||Michael Pfefferkorn||1995-Mar. 20, 1976; ex Presidential Coin & Antique Co., lot 903||AU. “Few tarnish spots.” Obv. centered. Smaller diameter than W.41. Slightly broken rev. denticles. 8.64 g|
|W.18||Fayville Coin & Token Co., MB 10||Mar. 9, 1979, lot 240||AU|
|W.19||L.B. Fauver(?), Exonumia Symbolism and Classification, p. 123||Fl. 1982-||AU. Obv. off-center to top|
|W.20||Weston Hist. Museum, Weston, MO||1995-1966(118/66), gift of Richard G. Helman, M.D., Kansas City, MO, via Virginia
Hall as a little girl (ca. 1940); ex a New York City collector
|AU. “Excellent condition”|
|W.21||C & D Gale MB||July 1988, lot 767||Graded AU50|
|W.22||Greater NY Show dealer’s stock||May 1978||AU-EF|
|W.23||Bowers and Merena||Nov. 6, 1989, lot 3285; ex Lionel L. Rudduck(?) estate, before 1968-89||AU-EF. Cleaned; light yellow & green blue. Obv. off-center to top. Rev. denticle flaws|
|W.24||Donald M. Miller||1995-ca. 1950; probably ex Paul E. Sikes (sp?) of Glen Rock, PA, 1944; ex Tom Gordon; ex estate in Philadelphia bank; ex Dr. Mark
W. Collette (killed at Battle of Chancellorsville, May 1863), in Collette coll. 1859? (Numismatic Soc. of
Philadelphia/Edward Cogan, catalogue of american Store Cards, n.d. , 2)
|VF-AU. Some spotting|
|W.25||Donald M. Miller||1995-1953 or earlier; ex David Bullowa (1912-53); ex Joseph Barnet (fl. 1902-44,
d. before 1959)
|VF-AU. Some spotting|
|W.26||Donald M. Miller||1995-1978 or earlier; ex Edmond A. Rice (1908-Oct. 20, 1978), joined ANA 1946; ex Chapman Bros. inv.(?)||VF-AU. Some spotting|
|W.27-30||John J. Ford, Jr.||1995-||EF. “Have 3-4 Weston tokens, EF or better”|
|W.31||Coin Galleries MB||Nov. 11, 1993, lot 1896;ex Bowers and Merena, Nov. 6, 1989, lot 3286; ex Lionel L. Rud-duck(?) estate, before 1955-89||EF. Faint granularity; sharpness of AU. “Very dark…deep brown black and blue.” Obv. off-center to top. Flaws on rev.
|W.32||Bowers and Merena||Nov. 9, 1987, lot 4231; ex Bowers and Ruddy (Newport Coll.), Jan. 30, 1975, lot 1294||EF. Dark|
|W.33||Albert Jakira MB||Mar. 1992, lot 249; ex Presidential Coin & Antique Co., June 25, 1988, lot 077A ; ex Paul Magriel (collected
1954-74, collection of Washingtonia “the finest in America” in 1956)
|EF (Graded AU in Jakira MB)|
|W.34||Smithsonian Institution||1995-before 1980, “found in collection” (pre-1980, source unknown); ?ex U.S.
Mint coll., from early 1859—Feb. 22, 1860: James Ross Snowden, A description of the Medals of Washington, etc. (Philadelphia, 1861), p. 51, no. 111; exhibited 1860xy41900/02 (see Stephen T. Souder, A brief Description of the Mint of the United States [Philadelphia, 1880], p. 13); not displayed in new Mint cabinet beginning 1902 and not in Comparette’s catalogue, 1914; coll.
transferred to SI 1923
|EF. Flaws on rev. denticles. 9.24 g|
|W.35||Fayette||Ex W. Elliot Woodward, May 17, 1864, lot 2509; ex John F. McCoy||EF|
|W.36||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||Dec. 1988 (Magriel/-Hatie), lot 41||EF|
|W.37||Paul Koppenhaver||Apr. 1987, lot 170||EF|
|W.38||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||May 26, 1979, lot 700||VF-EF. Tarnished; tiny rim dent|
|W.39||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||May 22, 1982, lot 50; ex Bangs & Co. W. Elliot Woodward, Apr. 30, 1886, lot
400; ex J.M. Tilton(?)
|Silvered, sharp VF-XF. (Per J.J. Ford, “Tilton silver plated many of his tokens!”)|
|W.40||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||Dec. 14, 1991, lot 043||VF-EF|
|W.41||Michael Pfefferkorn||1995-ca. 1976-78||VF. Larger diameter than W. 17 or W.58 (compared directly). Obv. centered. Rev. denticles heavily broken; die break by E of
Possibly gilt. 8.51 g
|W.42||Ex Bruce W. Smith||Before Dec. 1987-1979; ex coin show dealer||VF. “Dug up”|
|W.43||Bangs, Merwin||Jan. 19, 1863; ex Benjamin Haines, lot 946 (probably Miller 41)||VF|
|W.44||Bangs & Co. (W. Elliot Woodward)||May 26, 1884; ex J.N.T. Levick, lot 2129||VF|
|W.45||World Exonumia||Aug. 13, 1983, lot 208||VF. Pitting, off-color, spots, corrosion|
|W.46||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||Jan. 21, 1983, lot 71 (same as W.39, downgraded?)||VF. Silvered, slightly porous planchet|
|W.47||City Coin & Token MB||Sept. 1990, lot 19-10||VF|
|W.48||Charles Kirtley||Dec. 1989, lot 2118||VF20; few scratches|
|W.49||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||Dec. 1988 (Magriel/Hatie), lot 77||VF. Small rev. edge dent at 1:00|
|W.50||City Coin & Token MB||June 1987, lot 19-16||VF|
|W. 51||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||May 22, 1982, lot 49; ex Presidentail Coin & Antique Co., June 15, 1974, lot 313||F-VF. Planchet crack edge to nose; slightly dark|
|W.52||Smithsonian Institution||1994-before 1980, “found in collection” (pre-1980, source unknown)||F-VF. Corroded—dug? Flaws on rev. denticles. 8.34 g|
|W.53||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||Jan. 21, 1983, lot 70 (same as W.51, downgraded?)||F. Small planchet crack; “light scratches on Obv. & Rx.”|
|W.54||Christensen and Stone MB||June 20, 1964, lot 390; ex consignment G (store card coll.)||F|
|W.55||Stack’s||May 6, 1992, lot 158; ex Gilbert Steinberg; ex Ed Janis; ex Christensen and Stone
MB, early 1960s
|Obv. well centered. Graded F by Ed Janis; XF, edge cut, rim dented, by Stack’s
(presumed to be the same piece)
|W.56||J. Benjamin Yablok||1995-Aug. 1991; ex Albert Jakira MB, lot 280||F. Several old, small digs|
|W.57||Chapman Bros.||June 20, 1882, lot 1492; ex Bushnell (d. 1880)||G-F|
|W.58||Michael Pfefferkorn||1995-1978 or 1979; ex Oklahoma source||G-F. Smaller diameter than W.41 (compared directly). Very worn. Rev. denticles badly broken—more deteriorated die than W.
17 or W.41.
Planchet laminations. Damage to head. 8.09 g
|W.59||Presidential Coin & Antique Co.||Apr. 4, 1975, lot 1002||AG. C/s “J.T. WILSON”|
|W.60||Weston Hist. Museum, Weston, MO||1995-1978, gift of Mr. and Mrs.
Fred Espenlaub, Kansas City, KS, “found in some junk”
(locally found; noncollectors)
|AG. “Bad condition”|
|W.61||Thomas L. Elder||Cat. 81, July 8, 1913; ex William S. Appleton ( AJN 1873, p. 3, 96)|
|W.62||Pennsylvania Hist. Soc.(?)||Ex W.S. Baker (fl. 1884)|
|W.63||Dr. Benjamin P. Wright||January 1898|
|W.64||Donald M. Miller||1994||“Might have been one other W.41”|
|W.65||Don Lewis||fl. 1979|
|W.66||Charles Littlefield||fl. 1979(?); now dispersed|
|W.67-74||Rossa and Tanen baum stock||Had 3-4 at a time|
|W.75-80||David E. Schenkman stock||Sold “at least 6” ca. 1970-91|
|W.81-83||Dick Grinolds stock||Had several|
|b||In addition to this list, George Fuld “ owned at least 15 to 20 … pieces over the years … respective seen holed. ” Lacking in the ANA collection as of July 1995 .|
An Overview of United States Tokens, 1700-1900
coinage of the Americas Conference at the American Numismatic Society, New York City
October 29, 1994
© The American Numismatic Society, 1995
The american Numismatic Society is to be commended for staging this 1994 conference on “ The Token : America ‘s other money, ” and for its choice of Richard Doty of the Smithsonian Institution as league president. The timing of the conference was exquisite since tokens are quickly evolving into one of the most active and most concern of all numismatic disciplines, and merely two months ago there was released the Standard Catalog of United States Tokens 1700-1900, a project toward which my personal efforts have been aimed for well over 30 years. 1 This newspaper examines the function of the token during the past two centuries .
What Is A Token?
In general, a token is a metallic substitute for government coinage, or else a phase of coin-like advertising. There are so many exceptions and supplements to this basic principle that intriguing argue could rage for hours over the semantics .
Within obvious limitations, a token is whatever we choose to describe by this condition, remembering that the note between token and decoration is reduce and tenuous. sometimes even the wrinkle between token and coin is unclear .
A token does not have to be made of metallic to deserve that term. Cardboard chits for rate are normally considered tokens preferably than paper money, for case, and technology in the nineteenth hundred introduced celluloid, hard rubber and other substances to the nominal earth, joining leather, mother-of-pearl and other non-metallic exceptions .
respective groups of purists, from time to clock time, try to narrow the mean of the word token. many say a token must be “ worth ” something to be truly a token. For exercise, it must be “ thoroughly for ” 5 cents, one shave, one ride, one bushel or one job. They overlook America’s big custom of store cards. We have no objection to such redefinition efforts because we know they are well-intended—but doomed .
English is a animation lyric. Numismatists can influence it, but only clock and wide populace acceptance can constrict it. This author has never subscribed to any ideological or semantic campaign in his nominal writings, always preferring “ useful ” to “ pure. ” One quality a token must have, however, is set in concrete : a nominal must not have been issued by a politics for any clear legal sensitive purpose .
The Beginnings of Tokens in America
It is easy to flatter ourselves that the English colonies in America were the first gear to introduce tokens, in the early eighteenth century. But the facts are quite different .
spanish America ‘s refinement preceded our own in this bodily process by up to 150 years. mexican tlacos and pilones may have appeared arsenic early as 1550, and narrative accounts in Chile and Peru note private mitads in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Mexico was inundated with private tlacos and pilones by 1753. My 1992 catalog, romance american Tokens 1700-1920 sets forth generator data on this capable. 2
What is nowadays the United States did precede Canada in token issue, for whatever nationalist comfort that may afford us. Our identical first token appears to have been the Rigault & Dawson brass 12-pence of Gloucester County, Virgina, bearing dates 1714 and 1715. The claim purpose for which the alleged “ Gloucester british shilling ” was issued is not known, but it may have been a tobacco warehouse total .
The first nominal to achieve fairly good acceptance was the 1737 bull threepence of Samuel Higley of Granby, Connecticut .
New York City City ‘s 1789-dated Mott halfpenny token has long been considered America ‘s beginning true trade token, but inquiry in recent years has clouded even further its cloudy birthplace. It may well have been issued after 1807 ( figure. 1 ) .
Toward the end of the eighteenth hundred, America was infected with the british Conder keepsake craze, which may account for the 1794/95 cents of Talbot, Allum & Lee of New York City, a good as the batch of George Washington coppers dated angstrom early as 1783 ( though believed issued over the period 1791 to 1820 ) .
many collectors consider these eighteenth hundred issues to be function of America ‘s colonial mint narrative. The 1766-dated coppers of The Friends of Liberty and Trade hit by James Smither of Philadelphia besides dance along that fine tune between coin, token and decoration .
The year 1823 is a safe one to use as the get down go steady for the wide-eyed habit of trade wind tokens in America. English immigrant Richard Trested opened his token-making clientele in New York City City that year, and the Kettle firm in Birmingham, England, began exporting american trade tokens such as those of Tredwell Kissam and C. & I.D. Wolfe .
Most early trade tokens were intended to—and did—serve duty as a cent. In some instances higher appellation coins were imitated, particularly german silver “ bits ” ( 12 1/2 cents ), but in the independent the large copper cent of the U.S. mint from 1793 on was the object of caricature .
The Hard Times era of jacksonian democracy led in 1833 to a dramatic expansion in nominal make. It has been estimated that in 1837 a much as one-third of all bull cents in circulation were in fact tokens, not Mint-struck cents .
Token motifs and sizes—and metallic content—started changing dramatically in the 1848-51 period. Replacing the copper “ cents ” and german silver dime ( or bite ) imitations, several variations nowadays came into vogue .
Brass replaced copper as the dominant token metal, and imitations of United States $ 10 and $ 5 aureate coins started to appear, displaying the Coronet Liberty Head or Eagle Displayed along with a commercial message. Often they were issued with reeded edges and were gilded ahead striking to far enhance the similarity .
Counterstamped coins had been used meagerly deoxyadenosine monophosphate tokens deoxyadenosine monophosphate early as 1800 and were even infrequent through the end of the Hard Times period in 1844, but their custom widened from 1845 on. A great many of these are awaiting attribution, but noteworthy strides have been made in the past 15 years, particularly since we Numismatists are concentrating on the metalsmith trades for name matches. By “ metalsmith ” I mean every trade wind from silversmith and gunsmith to brazier, pewterer, cutler and clocksmith .
german silver, cupronickel, white metallic element and respective bronzes were pressed into token use after 1845, along with silver medal and lead. even gold strikes are known, most credibly created as conceit pieces for feeder collectors of the day .
In 1857 the United States Mint changed the large copper penny to a minor cupronickel while, and banned further legal tender status for foreign coins. Token sizes cursorily followed the 29mm to 19mm cent reduction, and huge quantities of raddled spanish eloquent became available for more counterstamping natural process .
The decade of the 1850s, though, saw less monetary custom for tokens, and shop cards reigned sovereign. At least, those pieces larger than 19mm were rarely offered as money substitutes. But in 1858 a raw phenomenon occurred : 19mm copper cent-sized “ store cards ” appeared in Chicago and elsewhere which not only imitated the Flying Eagle Cent reverse but passed current as secret cents. This latter event foreshadowed the Civil War token .
Civil War Tokens
only in two periods of american english history have the necessitate for a individual nominal coinage been absolute, because the reigning authority proved unable to provide a circulating medium of minor change sufficient to the needs of commerce .
These two periods were the Colonial/Early Republican earned run average, and the period of the War Between the States. In the first example the colonial masters in Great Britain failed their subjects in America, but in the second exemplify people began hoarding hard currency, flush one-cent pieces, in 1862. Within a year there was no matchless volition to pay out coin of the region even though the Mint remained in operation .
All sorts of newspaper substitutes for little change appeared, from composition scrip and cardboard chits to postage stamps, both encased and easy. The needs of commerce demanded something more durable, and individual small cents of copper, boldness, etc., appeared in huge numbers. Some 25 million Civil War tokens must have been in circulation in late 1863, whereas there had been possibly 10 million Hard Times tokens in public hands in 1837 .
More than 11,000 varieties of Civil War tokens are cataloged, making this by far the largest time period of nominal issue in America until that meter. A federal law in 1864 cut off most foster token issue, as the U.S. realized its autonomous neologism right was actually being imperiled by this unbridled expansion of single-handed money provide .
The 1864 law purportedly banned the function of tokens as money, but such laws worked no better in America in the nineteenth hundred industrializing period than they did anywhere else in the world .
fake cents and counterstamped coins kept appearing well into the 70s, and that ten besides saw hard rubber memory cards, “ plate cards ” ( imitations of silver dollars or double eagles made of emboss metal faces bonded to paper backs ), and something quite new, the “ trade nominal. ” The barter nominal was a utilitarian emission “ good for ” a toast, a bathtub, 5 cents, 12 1/2 cents, a cord ( of Wood ), a meal or even a chew the fat to a whorehouse. Billiard table and barroom fastness manufacturers were quick to supply their customers with tokens, and the total and variety of trade tokens which appeared in the last 30 years of the nineteenth century is quite big. This area of attribution is immediately being researched by scholars in every state of the Union, with a capital total of varieties already documented. In most cases, individual trade token issues appear to have been small—perhaps 100 to 1,000 pieces—but it requires little imagination to realize that with one to two million potential issuers, the number of pieces in populace hands by 1890 must have been staggering .
shop cards of smasher continued to be issued after the Civil War, particularly connected with the 1876 Centennial Fair in Philadelphia and the 1893 columbian Exposition in Chicago .
The commercial presentation of aluminum to token fabrication began about 1891, and by the turn of the century the cheap, beautiful and durable metallic expanded keepsake custom tied further .
It has been said that in early America ( before 1840 ), tokens were classify of a status symbol for successful merchants. Sixty years late every saloonkeeper, general shop owner, dry goods dealer, pharmacist and corner grocer who wanted tokens could have them. They had become truly the money of the people—or possibly they always were !
The State of Token Research in America
This subject might well be treated in depth in another newspaper, but a few words in close this paper seem in order. I can state with conviction that the status of token research in America has never been healthier ! One of my colleagues stated in a inspection recently that all token catalogers are “ highly idiosyncratic … to one degree or another. ” Another opined that serendipity was a useful, even necessary, characteristic for catalogers of tokens .
possibly both are right, but both miss the point. Cataloging tokens is very, very hard ferment. fortunately for our beloved hobby, we are blessed in 1994 with the largest count of devoted researches we ‘ve ever had. Organizations that deserve extra mention in this attentiveness include : Token and Medal Societyr, Active Token Collectors Organization, Civil War Token Society, Maryland Token and Medal Society, American Vecturist Association, and California Exonumist Society .
Standard Catalog of United States Tokens,
( Iola, WI, 1994 ). Copies of the new 824-page illustrated, priced catalog have been donated to the excellent ANS library, and it is my hope that users will have american samoa much enjoyment in its perusal as my contributors and I had in writing it .
Latin American Tokens, 1700-1920
( Iola, WI, 1992 ) .